Dubbing

IF 0.4 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES
Tejaswini Ganti
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

While scholarship on dubbing, which has been overwhelmingly Eurocentric, has primarily focused on dubbing as a form of audiovisual translation (Abend-David, 2014; Bosseaux, 2015; Buffagni & Garzelli, 2013; Chaume, 2012; Cintas & Anderman, 2008; Ferrari, 2011; Pavesi et al., 2015), dubbing encompasses much more than translation in South Asian media industries. Dubbing, in fact, is a central industrial practice that is critical to understanding the diverse aesthetic and political ideologies, labour arrangements and production practices of South Asian film and media forms in their linguistic multiplicity (Chattopadhyay, 2015; Hoek, 2009; Mohaiemen, 2016; Srinivas, 2003; Srinivas et al., 2018). Here, I focus on mainstream film industries where dubbing is not regarded as a problem or ‘loss’ (Gambier, 2012) but is rather a widespread, well-known and creative practice to manage risk, adapt to uncertainty and reach the widest audiences. By decoupling actors’ voices from their bodies, dubbing is a form of risk management and comparative advantage that allows media producers in South Asia to incorporate a diverse range of individuals into the media-making process who, for one reason or another, may not have been considered suitable (Hoek, 2009). While dubbing can be seen as an adaptive and enabling practice, it also reinforces certain aesthetic, gender and social hierarchies. The three main modes of dubbing within mainstream media industries are the substitution of a singer’s voice for an actor’s – commonly referred to as ‘playback singing’; the re-recording of dialogue by actors after principal photography and editing has taken place, which is called ‘ADR’ or automated dialogue replacement in Western contexts but is referred to as ‘dubbing’ in South Asian contexts; and the replacement of the film, television or web series’ dialogues with translated ones, which is the more conventional understanding of dubbing across the world. When the technique of ‘playback singing’ – recording a song in advance and having the actor lip-synch the lyrics – became standard practice from 1935 onward (Rajadhyaksha & Willemen, 1999, p. 20), it revolutionised film production in the subcontinent. Actors and actresses no longer needed to be able to sing; the visualisation of song sequences was liberated from having to record the song simultaneously with the picture; and the release of the film’s soundtrack prior to its opening provided a ready form of publicity. Playback singing quickly became an accepted practice, giving rise to
配音
虽然配音方面的学术研究绝大多数以欧洲为中心,但主要侧重于配音作为一种视听翻译形式(Abend-David, 2014;Bosseaux, 2015;Buffagni & Garzelli, 2013;Chaume, 2012;Cintas & Anderman, 2008;法拉利,2011;Pavesi et al., 2015),南亚媒体行业的配音内容远不止翻译。事实上,配音是一种核心的工业实践,对于理解南亚电影和媒体形式在语言多样性中的不同审美和政治意识形态、劳动安排和生产实践至关重要(Chattopadhyay, 2015;隐谷,2009;Mohaiemen, 2016;斯,2003;Srinivas et al., 2018)。在这里,我关注的是主流电影行业,配音不被视为一个问题或“损失”(Gambier, 2012),而是一个广泛的,众所周知的和创造性的实践,以管理风险,适应不确定性,并达到最广泛的观众。通过将演员的声音与他们的身体分离,配音是一种风险管理和比较优势的形式,它允许南亚的媒体制作人将各种各样的个体纳入媒体制作过程,这些个体由于这样或那样的原因可能被认为不合适(Hoek, 2009)。虽然配音可以被视为一种适应性和赋权实践,但它也强化了某些审美、性别和社会等级。在主流媒体行业中,配音的三种主要模式是:用歌手的声音代替演员的声音——通常被称为“重放演唱”;在主要摄影和剪辑完成后,演员重新录制对话,这在西方语境中被称为“ADR”或自动对话替代,但在南亚语境中被称为“配音”;电影、电视或网络连续剧的对白被翻译出来,这是世界范围内对配音的更传统的理解。当“重放演唱”技术——提前录制歌曲并让演员假唱歌词——从1935年开始成为标准做法时(Rajadhyaksha & Willemen, 1999, p. 20),它彻底改变了次大陆的电影制作。男女演员不再需要会唱歌;歌曲序列的可视化从必须与图片同时录制歌曲中解放出来;在电影上映前发行的电影原声带提供了一种现成的宣传形式。重放演唱很快成为一种被接受的做法,由此产生了
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