Highlights from this issue

Abstract

Is NICE ageist? In the UK, new health technologies are assessed by the National Institute for Clinical Excellence (NICE). NICE determines the cost incurred for each additional quality-adjusted life-year (QALY) that the new technology provides over and above the currently standard treatment. Though there is considerable flexibility in the process, technologies which offer a costper-QALYof £20 000-£30 000 or less would normally be recommended for use. The thought is that, given a fixed total health budget, use of technologies with a higher cost-per-QALY will generally decrease aggregate health by displacing more cost-effective interventions. One criticism levelled at NICE maintains that its methodology is ageist. Since younger people typically have a longer life expectancy than older people, a life-saving treatment will tend to produce more QALYs in a younger person. So too will a quality-of-life-improving intervention, since it will improve quality of life over a longer period. The NICE approach might be said to systematically favour younger people. In this issue, Stevens and collaborators (see page 258) respond to this charge. They concede that the cost-per-QALY approach could disfavour the elderly, but argue that it will do so only in rare casesd cases that have never occurred. These would most likely be cases of extremely expensive interventions that cure imminently fatal conditions and restore normal life-expectancy. Moreover, even if such a case did occur, NICE might nevertheless recommend the intervention for use. Stevens and collaborators note that NICE’s expert advisory committees have considerable leeway to consider factors besides cost-per-QALY. They also point to various other features of the NICE process that tend to protect against ageist decisions. In a commentary (see page 263), John Harris and Sadie Regmi respond to this defence of NICE by arguing that the NICE approach is ageist in theory even if not in practice. They claim that it expresses the view that old people ‘are not worth the expenditure of resources’ and uses ‘arbitrary ’ considerations, such as one’s baseline life expectancy and quality of life, to inform decisions. Harris and Regmi are surely right to note that a resource allocation process could be ageist ‘in theory ’. But the points made by Stevens and collaborators might yet have significance, for ageism in practice may matter too. Harris and Regmi draw an analogy between ageism and racism, and suggest that NICE is rather like a racist person who, despite having racist beliefs, never acts in a racist way. But surely this racist is a less bad sort of racist than one who is thoroughly racist both in thought and action. Even if NICE’s methodology is ageist, the fact that this ageism rarely if ever finds its way into NICE decisions may mitigate the problem. Moreover, as Harris and Regmi acknowledge, one might dispute whether NICE’s methodology really is ageist even in theory. Baseline quality of life and life expectancy are arguably relevant to determining the amount of benefit that an individual will derive from a treatment, and it could certainly be questioned whether the amount of benefit produced by an intervention is an ‘arbitrary ’ consideration.