The Political Party System as a Public Forum: The Incoherence of Parties as Free Speech Associations and a Proposed Correction

Wayne Batchis
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Abstract

The Supreme Court’s jurisprudence addressing the associational rights of political parties is both highly consequential and deeply inconsistent. It dates back at least as far as the Court’s White Primary decisions more than a half-century ago. In recent decades, the Court has imposed an arguably ad hoc formula, striking down regulations on political parties on First Amendment grounds in some cases, while upholding them in others. From a jurisprudential perspective, critics might point to insufficiently principled distinctions between these cases. From a normative perspective, the very expansion of First Amendment rights to political parties, like the parallel extension to corporations in Citizens United, is ripe for scrutiny. It relies on a questionable underlying premise: political parties, as entities, should be entitled to constitutional rights comparable to those afforded to individuals. As a consequence, this Article argues entities the Framers would have viewed as dangerous factions are empowered, and individuals—the literal targets of the First Amendment’s protection—are disempowered. This Article offers and explores a doctrinal alternative as a corrective: the American political party system should be treated as a limited public forum, subject to the Court’s well-established public forum doctrine.
政党制度作为公共论坛:政党作为言论自由协会的不连贯性及其修正建议
最高法院关于政党结社权的判例既非常重要,又极不一致。它至少可以追溯到半个多世纪前最高法院的白色初选判决。近几十年来,最高法院实施了一种可以说是特别的模式,在某些情况下,以第一修正案为理由推翻了对政党的规定,而在另一些情况下则维持了这些规定。从法理学的角度来看,批评者可能会指出这些案件之间在原则上的区别不够。从规范的角度来看,第一修正案对政党权利的扩展,就像在公民联合案中对公司权利的平行扩展一样,是时候进行审查了。它依赖于一个有问题的基本前提:政党作为实体,应该享有与个人同等的宪法权利。因此,本文认为,制宪者原本视为危险派别的实体被赋予了权力,而个人——第一修正案保护的字面目标——被剥夺了权力。本文提出并探讨了一种作为纠正的理论选择:美国政党制度应被视为一种有限的公共论坛,受最高法院确立的公共论坛原则的约束。
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