The Clumsy Cartel

Q4 Social Sciences
M. Adelman
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引用次数: 59

Abstract

OPEC's Uncertain Future Since 1970 the world price of crude oil has been both high and unstable. The price-setter, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), whose members include the United Arab Emirates, Algeria, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait; Libya, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela, has since 1980 followed a bumpy downward path that is unlikely to reverse itself in the foreseeable future. An important factor in OPEC'S downward spiral is that it is not a single entity but a collection of independent developing sovereign states. Conferring regularly, these states must from time to time agree to restrict output and to maintain or raise prices. Without their collective restraint, prices would decline toward the competitive floor. When members begin to jostle each other with competitive offers and prices fall or threaten to do so, new actions must be taken. Ironically, the OPEC mission has been made more difficult by its own success. Consumers responded, however slowly, to 1970's higher prices, and OPEC exports have never regained their 197 3-74 peak. Since then, world oil consumption has grown by only one percent per year instead of the previous seven percent. In addition, when OPEC restricted its lower-cost output in the 1970s, non-OPEC output grew. Once around 65 percent, the OPEC share of the world market is down to a little over 35 percent. It is important, moreover, to keep in mind that OPEC exports are the only valid measure of their market share. Internal OPEC consumption, now nearly one-fifth of OPEC countries' output, is unrelated to the world market price and yields no foreign exchange. In Iran, 30 percent of the nation's crude oil is refined for the local market, at prices so low that products are smuggled out and replaced with higher-priced imports. In any market ruled by competition, low-cost suppliers gain market share from high-cost suppliers. But since 1970, just the opposite has occurred in the oil industry: low-cost areas (i.e. OPEC) have continually-lost ground to high-cost areas. By cutting their production, the OPEC nations have created all the oil shortages of the past three decades. Moreover, the OPEC nations have held back unused production capacity. The market has thus been turned upside down. This odd and ineffective arrangement must be perpetuated to keep prices high. Awkward Collaboration Group collective control is inherently awkward and slow. First, OPEC must forecast market demand by trial and error--especially error, because inventory data are poor and do not reveal forecasting errors as they should. This inexactitude is what leads to collective control's awkwardness. Next, OPEC estimates non-OPEC output and subtracts it from consumption. OPEC must then supply the remaining amount. The harder task is to allocate this share among members, who are each trying to maximize their individual output while leaving to others the burden of curtailment. The OPEC nations must reach a consensus on who produces how much; after that, they must oversee members' compliance to their commitments. Management by a group that cannot accurately predict market demand or production and that does not know how much obedience to expect from its own members is inevitably clumsy and inconclusive. Such inexactitude leads to price movements that are unpredictable and often sudden and jarring. When small incidents can have such big effects, the system is obviously unstable. Despite the East Asian recession between 1997 and 1999, world oil consumption kept growing. Non-OPEC output, which was not restrained, grew even faster. To make room and prevent excess supply, OPEC for its own sake had to cut output modestly. But for two years the member countries could not agree on which member should cut how much. As they argued, the price kept falling. The inability to track inventory and inventory changes was one of the worst gaps in OPEC knowledge and consequently kept the organization paralyzed. …
笨拙的卡特尔
石油输出国组织前途未卜自1970年以来,世界原油价格既高又不稳定。价格制定者是石油输出国组织(OPEC),其成员包括阿拉伯联合酋长国、阿尔及利亚、印度尼西亚、伊朗、伊拉克、科威特;自1980年以来,利比亚、尼日利亚、沙特阿拉伯和委内瑞拉走上了一条崎岖不平的下坡路,在可预见的未来不太可能逆转。欧佩克的恶性循环的一个重要因素是它不是一个单一的实体,而是一个独立的发展中主权国家的集合。这些国家定期协商,必须不时同意限制产量,维持或提高价格。如果没有它们的集体约束,价格就会跌向具有竞争力的底部。当会员开始相互竞争,价格下跌或有可能下跌时,就必须采取新的行动。具有讽刺意味的是,欧佩克的使命因其自身的成功而变得更加困难。尽管消费者对上世纪70年代的高油价反应缓慢,但欧佩克的出口从未恢复到197 -74年的峰值。从那时起,世界石油消费每年仅增长1%,而不是之前的7%。此外,当欧佩克在20世纪70年代限制其低成本产量时,非欧佩克国家的产量增加了。一旦在65%左右,欧佩克在世界市场的份额就会下降到35%多一点。此外,重要的是要记住,欧佩克的出口是衡量其市场份额的唯一有效指标。欧佩克内部的石油消费目前占欧佩克成员国产量的近五分之一,与世界市场价格无关,也不产生外汇。在伊朗,该国30%的原油是为当地市场提炼的,价格非常低,以至于产品被走私出去,取而代之的是价格更高的进口产品。在任何竞争主导的市场中,低成本供应商从高成本供应商那里获得市场份额。但自1970年以来,石油行业发生了相反的情况:低成本地区(即欧佩克)不断输给高成本地区。通过减产,欧佩克国家造成了过去三十年的所有石油短缺。此外,欧佩克国家还保留了未使用的产能。市场因此被颠倒了。这种奇怪而无效的安排必须延续下去,以保持价格高企。笨拙的协作团队的集体控制天生就笨拙而缓慢。首先,欧佩克必须通过反复试验来预测市场需求,特别是由于库存数据不佳,无法显示预测错误。这种不精确性导致了集体控制的尴尬。接下来,欧佩克估计非欧佩克国家的产量,并将其从消费量中减去。欧佩克必须供应剩余的部分。更困难的任务是在成员国之间分配这一份额,每个成员国都在努力使自己的产出最大化,同时把削减的负担留给其他成员国。欧佩克成员国必须就谁生产多少达成共识;之后,他们必须监督成员国履行承诺的情况。如果一个集团不能准确预测市场需求或产量,也不知道自己的成员应该服从多少,那么它的管理必然是笨拙和不确定的。这种不准确导致价格变动不可预测,而且往往是突然和不和谐的。当小事件可以产生如此大的影响时,系统显然是不稳定的。尽管1997年至1999年东亚经济衰退,但世界石油消费量仍在增长。没有受到限制的非欧佩克国家的产量增长得更快。为了腾出空间并防止供应过剩,欧佩克为了自身利益不得不适度减产。但两年来,成员国未能就哪个成员国应该削减多少达成一致。正如他们争论的那样,价格不断下跌。无法跟踪库存和库存变化是欧佩克知识的最大差距之一,因此使该组织陷入瘫痪。…
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来源期刊
Harvard International Review
Harvard International Review Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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期刊介绍: The HIR features underappreciated topics in the international affairs discourse and underappreciated perspectives on more widely discussed topics. The HIR aims to serve as a trend-setter among similar publications by directing rather than following the public’s attention. The HIR presents a variety of scholarly content in an accessible style and format. It makes the arguments of scholars, policymakers, and other international affairs actors available to a wider audience. The HIR seeks both academic and lay readers who wish to think seriously about international affairs.
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