多边主义与中国的“一带一路”/The Multilateralism and China’s OBOR Initiative

Q4 Social Sciences
Pang Zhongying
{"title":"多边主义与中国的“一带一路”/The Multilateralism and China’s OBOR Initiative","authors":"Pang Zhongying","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1304","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是:第一,“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二,“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”?第三,“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过,“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四,“一带一路”与下一代全球治理(尤其是全球经济治理)的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是,在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上,需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手,尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议,中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”(SRS),让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台,推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of China and International Relations","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1304","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2

Abstract

本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是:第一,“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二,“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”?第三,“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过,“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四,“一带一路”与下一代全球治理(尤其是全球经济治理)的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是,在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上,需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手,尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议,中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”(SRS),让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台,推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.
多边主义与中国的“一带一路”/The Multilateralism and China’s OBOR Initiative
本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是:第一,“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二,“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”?第三,“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过,“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四,“一带一路”与下一代全球治理(尤其是全球经济治理)的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是,在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上,需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手,尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议,中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”(SRS),让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台,推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
Journal of China and International Relations
Journal of China and International Relations Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
审稿时长
30 weeks
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信