North Korea's Foreign Policy under Kim Jong Il

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Brian Donovan
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

North Korea's Foreign Policy Under Kim Jong IlTae-Hwan Kwak and Seung-Ho Joo eds., Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. Hardcover. 273 pp. U.S. $113.95. ISBN: 978-0-7546-7739-0This volume of essays fills a gap in Western literature on North Korea. First published in 2009, North Korea's Foreign Policy Under Kim Jong Il brings together the work of thirteen field specialists who attempt to view North Korean foreign relations from the DPRK's perspective. While they fully acknowledge the paucity of hard data on Kim's regime and the murkiness of many of the available sources, the editors nevertheless offer a broad range of views covering almost the entirety of North Korean foreign relations.The six-party denuclearization talks between North Korea and the five other regional powers serve as the unifying thread of many of the essays. Most experts agree on the broad outlines of the DPRK's objectives in these talks, and for Kim's nuclear program in general: to guarantee national security (which necessarily entails the survival of the regime), while simultaneously normalizing relations with the West and continuing domestic economic development. However, the exact weight given to each of these objectives is difficult to determine, as are the internal political factors which influence North Korean actions. For instance, how much do Seongun Jeonchi ("military first") and Juche ("self-reliance"), the official state ideologies, affect the decision-making process? What is their relationship to Kim's goal of achieving Gangseong Daeguk ("strong and prosperous great power") status, and are nuclear weapons essential for any or all of them?The essayists in this volume differ widely in their approaches to these and other questions. C. Kenneth Quinones, for instance, argues that a fundamental misunderstanding of Juche distorts most Western analyses of North Korean foreign policy. He notes that "selfreliance," the most commonly accepted translation of the term, fails to capture certain critical nuances. He prefers "essence of self-determination," which, coupled with the related notion of Jajuseong ("self-determination character"), anchors Kim's version of Marxism-Leninism in the specific character of the Korean people-under Juche, "the main motive of man's political activities is his struggle to liberate his Jajuseong ... not greed or a hunger for material gain, as Marx argued" (20). Viewed through this lens, "Pyongyang's strategic goals [have] impressive consistency and continuity" (15).This is consistent with Scott Snyder's assessment of North Korea's intentions and motivations, presented in chapter three. Noting the grave threat globalization poses to a command economy, Snyder concludes that the DPRK leadership as a whole has marginalized a nascent "internationalist coalition" within its ranks, preferring to "maximize resource extraction" domestically rather than risk "integration ... with the international economy." He concludes that "a failure of the existing leadership and a replacement with new leadership" is the likeliest path to meaningful economic reform, but does not speculate on the international security implications of such a failure (53).Curtis H. Martin and Ilsu Kim, by contrast, explore the dynamics of North Korean leadership and the psychology of Kim Jong-il. In chapter four, Martin argues that "the DPRK has stood by a core set of demands" to the West that were first articulated during the crises of 1993-4, which led to the development of the Agreed Framework on denuclearization (57). …
金正日领导下的朝鲜外交政策
《金正日时期的朝鲜外交政策》郭泰焕、周承浩著。,法纳姆:阿什盖特出版社,2009。精装版,273页,113.95美元。这本文集填补了西方关于朝鲜的文献的空白。《金正日治下的朝鲜外交政策》于2009年首次出版,汇集了13位实地专家的工作成果,他们试图从朝鲜的角度看待朝鲜的外交关系。虽然他们完全承认关于金正日政权的硬数据的缺乏和许多可用来源的不透明,但编辑们仍然提供了广泛的观点,几乎涵盖了朝鲜外交关系的全部内容。朝鲜与其他五个地区大国之间的六方无核化谈判是许多文章的统一线索。大多数专家都同意朝鲜在这些会谈中的总体目标,以及金正日核计划的总体目标:保证国家安全(这必然需要政权的生存),同时实现与西方关系正常化并继续国内经济发展。然而,这些目标的确切权重难以确定,影响朝鲜行动的内部政治因素也难以确定。例如,国家官方意识形态“先军”和“主体”对决策过程的影响有多大?它们与金正恩的“江城大国”(“强大而繁荣的大国”)目标之间的关系是什么?核武器对它们中的任何一个或所有国家来说都是必不可少的吗?散文家在这卷不同在他们的方法,这些和其他问题。例如,c·肯尼斯·奎诺内斯(C. Kenneth Quinones)认为,对主体思想的根本误解扭曲了大多数西方对朝鲜外交政策的分析。他指出,“自力更生”,这个术语最普遍接受的翻译,未能捕捉到某些关键的细微差别。他更喜欢“自决的本质”,这与相关的“自决权”(“自决性质”)的概念相结合,将金的马克思列宁主义版本锚定在主体下的朝鲜人民的特定性质上,“人类政治活动的主要动机是他为解放自己的自决权而斗争……而不是像马克思所说的那样,对物质利益的贪婪或渴望”。从这个角度来看,“平壤的战略目标具有令人印象深刻的一致性和连续性”(15)。这与斯科特·斯奈德在第三章中对朝鲜意图和动机的评估是一致的。注意到全球化对计划经济构成的严重威胁,斯奈德总结说,朝鲜领导层作为一个整体已经边缘化了其队伍中新生的“国际主义联盟”,他们更愿意在国内“最大化资源开采”,而不是冒着“一体化”的风险。随着国际经济的发展。”他的结论是,“现有领导层的失败和新领导层的替代”是最有可能实现有意义的经济改革的途径,但他没有推测这种失败对国际安全的影响(53)。相比之下,柯蒂斯·h·马丁(Curtis H. Martin)和伊尔苏·金(Ilsu Kim)则探讨了朝鲜领导层的动态和金正日的心理。在第四章中,马丁认为,“朝鲜一直坚持对西方的一系列核心要求”,这些要求在1993-4年的危机期间首次提出,并导致了无核化框架协议的发展(57)。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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