Legal rights and wrongs: internationalising Bhopal.

I. Jaising, C. Sathyamala
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

On December 2, 1984, in Bhopal, India, more than 40 tons of toxic gas escaped from the Union Carbide (UC) factory, an event predicted by an Indian journalist, whose warnings were ignored. This disaster could have changed the nature of the chemical industry and caused a reexamination of the necessity to produce such potentially harmful technologies. Not only has it changed nothing, except for the suffering of its victims, it has practically been forgotten. The immediate reaction of UC was that in the treatment of the victims. In fact, the company has never revealed what was in the toxic cloud that night. Litigation was sparked by the descent of US lawyers who gathered as many clients as they could in Bhopal and filed suits in the US. The Indian government then entered the picture and enacted a strategy which gave them sole authority to litigate on behalf of the victims. The lawsuit was subsequently transferred to India at UC's bequest, and all medical information concerning the disaster was made confidential. An important course of treatment was withheld from the victims, again at UC's insistence, because it would have been a marker of the nature of the exposure. After 5 years with no settlement, the Union of India and UC agreed on a figure of US $470 million, despite gross underestimation of the nature and extent of the injuries and even the number injured (the government estimated 4,000 permanently disabled, while independent analysis gleaned numbers up to 400,000). The settlement also ignored the possibility of longterm effects and unsuspected complications as well as of carcinogenic and mutagenic changes. The event at Bhopal and the 7-year-process of litigation require a reconsideration of the concept of compensation for longterm consequences and the responsibility and liability associated with potentially hazardous substances. The Bhopal experience shows that the origin of rights continues to rise from ownership of property instead of from the needs of individuals. Individual rights are political in nature: freedom of speech, to vote, and to form associations. Thus, there is no right to protection of the environment, which would recognize collective control of common resources. Instead, the state continues to control and own all natural resources. Since ownership of property is linked to rights, all rights can be assigned a monetary value. The value of a life is thus linked to the economic terms of its productive capacity. The environmental movement is presenting a challenge to the structure and operation of law by demanding rights for the earth's life-support systems rather than rights over property. The positive right to protection is being sought, rather than the negative relief of damage compensation.
法律的对与错:国际化博帕尔。
1984年12月2日,在印度博帕尔,40多吨有毒气体从联合碳化物公司(UC)的工厂泄漏,这是一名印度记者预测到的事件,但他的警告被忽视了。这场灾难本可以改变化学工业的性质,并促使人们重新审视生产这种潜在有害技术的必要性。它不仅没有改变任何东西,除了受害者的痛苦,它实际上已经被遗忘了。UC的第一反应是在对待受害者时。事实上,该公司从未透露当晚有毒云的成分。诉讼是由美国律师的后裔引发的,他们在博帕尔聚集了尽可能多的客户,并在美国提起诉讼。印度政府随后介入,并制定了一项策略,赋予他们代表受害者提起诉讼的唯一权力。该诉讼随后在UC的遗赠下转移到印度,有关灾难的所有医疗信息都是保密的。在UC的坚持下,一个重要的治疗过程没有对受害者进行,因为这将是暴露性质的标志。尽管严重低估了受伤的性质和程度,甚至受伤的人数(政府估计有4000人永久残疾,而独立分析收集到的数字高达40万),但印度联邦和UC还是同意赔偿4.7亿美元。该解决方案还忽略了长期影响和未预料到的并发症的可能性,以及致癌和致突变的变化。博帕尔事件和长达7年的诉讼过程要求重新考虑长期后果赔偿的概念以及与潜在危险物质有关的责任和责任。博帕尔的经验表明,权利的起源继续来自财产所有权,而不是来自个人的需要。个人权利本质上是政治性的:言论自由、投票自由和结社自由。因此,没有保护环境的权利,这将承认对共同资源的集体控制。相反,国家继续控制和拥有所有的自然资源。由于财产所有权与权利联系在一起,所有权利都可以被赋予货币价值。因此,生命的价值与其生产能力的经济条件联系在一起。环境运动要求地球生命维持系统的权利,而不是对财产的权利,这对法律的结构和运作提出了挑战。寻求积极的保护权利,而不是消极的损害赔偿救济。
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