Review of Altug Yalcintas, Intellectual Path Dependence in Economics: Why economists do not reject refuted theories, Routledge, 2016, hb, xiv + 173 pages, ISBN 978-1-138-01617-0

IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS
Valentin Cojanu
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But the author, a historian and philosopher of economics at the University of Ankara (Turkey) [1], makes every effort to convince his reader that the question is subtle (subtler, anyway than the subtitle suggests) and that it deserves thorough attention because changing one s mind is deliberative and processual rather than merely inevitable in the advancement of science.The whole argument rests on the presumed survival of 'unfit' explanations, errors that are not dislodged by mere academic dignity or decency. A perfect market of ideas ought to perform the 'function to fix errors fully' (p. 9), but this idealistic environment does not exist for two reasons. Firstly, scientists (economists) are not always rational and sciences (economics) are not always self-corrective, despite impeccable behaviour on behalf of researchers. Secondly, science is an economic activity and hence can be explained in economic terms: giving up a theorem is costly in intellectual and possibly monetary terms and may not be perceived as the best option given the low benefits it provides to the researcher. So, the economists do change their minds, but in the process they get immersed in seemingly never-ending battles of ideas on the one hand, and questionable research practices (QRP) on the other hand, with the effect that decentralized mechanisms of self-correction (e.g. open debate, peer-review, replication, or reproduction) do not always work.Established results in economics may be a result of 'powerful institutions' and discretionary financial resources (e.g. military or corporate funds) driving research to predefined objectives (pp. 8, 15-17). For Stanley Jevons, David Ricardo and John Stuart Mill were 'wrong-headed' men who put economics on a wrong track, unable to understand the 'true doctrines' (p. 15). Some original works in economics, from contributors such as Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and Joseph Schumpeter, are tainted by plagiarism (p. 16), ideologically biased editing (pp. 54-55), and external corrections (p. 54), respectively. Others are tainted by faulty handling of methodological shortcuts such as statistical tests and software packages (pp. 16-17). In short, the market's working is imperfect: economics is at times a provider of 'manipulated and erroneous ideas' (p. xi). One of the author's favourite cases of artificial idea selection, and the books leitmotif, is Ronald Coase's problem of social cost. The case is aptly chosen: besides making for a relaxing read, it involves a convoluted narrative of accidental discovery, misleading interpretation, unwarranted citations of the original work, and institutional ideologization on behalf of economists.The book's title reveals the author's method of construing a rational criticism of the undesirable effects of ignoring negative externalities (e.g. 'misrepresentations of ideas' (p. 8)) of the scientific conduct. Intellectual path dependence (IPD) is key in understanding why the market of ideas fails. The author dismantles the mechanism of knowledge production in a sequence of three steps. First, the 'social cost of knowledge production', or 'epistemic cost' (EC), appears in the form of harm done by QRP to the intellectual environment - that is, a diminished 'individual and collective ability of scholars to produce a sustainable environment' (p 48). Within a suigeneris cost-benefit analysis in epistemology, this epistemic cost adds to private costs associated with scholarly production, such as cost of access to knowledge, costs of writing research proposals, collaboration costs, etc. …","PeriodicalId":41686,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Philosophical Economics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Philosophical Economics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.46298/jpe.10697","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Review of Altug Yalcintas, Intellectual Path Dependence in Economics: Why economists do not reject refuted theories, Routledge, 2016, hb, xiv + 173 pages, ISBN 978-1-138-01617-0This book's main interrogation, 'why should economists change their minds?' (p. 29), is apparently trivial. After all, scholars of all propensities find their raison d'etre in the capacity to shape their minds along the path to knowledge. The actual practice of economists (pp. 29-31) shows indeed that this presupposition can be valid. But the author, a historian and philosopher of economics at the University of Ankara (Turkey) [1], makes every effort to convince his reader that the question is subtle (subtler, anyway than the subtitle suggests) and that it deserves thorough attention because changing one s mind is deliberative and processual rather than merely inevitable in the advancement of science.The whole argument rests on the presumed survival of 'unfit' explanations, errors that are not dislodged by mere academic dignity or decency. A perfect market of ideas ought to perform the 'function to fix errors fully' (p. 9), but this idealistic environment does not exist for two reasons. Firstly, scientists (economists) are not always rational and sciences (economics) are not always self-corrective, despite impeccable behaviour on behalf of researchers. Secondly, science is an economic activity and hence can be explained in economic terms: giving up a theorem is costly in intellectual and possibly monetary terms and may not be perceived as the best option given the low benefits it provides to the researcher. So, the economists do change their minds, but in the process they get immersed in seemingly never-ending battles of ideas on the one hand, and questionable research practices (QRP) on the other hand, with the effect that decentralized mechanisms of self-correction (e.g. open debate, peer-review, replication, or reproduction) do not always work.Established results in economics may be a result of 'powerful institutions' and discretionary financial resources (e.g. military or corporate funds) driving research to predefined objectives (pp. 8, 15-17). For Stanley Jevons, David Ricardo and John Stuart Mill were 'wrong-headed' men who put economics on a wrong track, unable to understand the 'true doctrines' (p. 15). Some original works in economics, from contributors such as Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and Joseph Schumpeter, are tainted by plagiarism (p. 16), ideologically biased editing (pp. 54-55), and external corrections (p. 54), respectively. Others are tainted by faulty handling of methodological shortcuts such as statistical tests and software packages (pp. 16-17). In short, the market's working is imperfect: economics is at times a provider of 'manipulated and erroneous ideas' (p. xi). One of the author's favourite cases of artificial idea selection, and the books leitmotif, is Ronald Coase's problem of social cost. The case is aptly chosen: besides making for a relaxing read, it involves a convoluted narrative of accidental discovery, misleading interpretation, unwarranted citations of the original work, and institutional ideologization on behalf of economists.The book's title reveals the author's method of construing a rational criticism of the undesirable effects of ignoring negative externalities (e.g. 'misrepresentations of ideas' (p. 8)) of the scientific conduct. Intellectual path dependence (IPD) is key in understanding why the market of ideas fails. The author dismantles the mechanism of knowledge production in a sequence of three steps. First, the 'social cost of knowledge production', or 'epistemic cost' (EC), appears in the form of harm done by QRP to the intellectual environment - that is, a diminished 'individual and collective ability of scholars to produce a sustainable environment' (p 48). Within a suigeneris cost-benefit analysis in epistemology, this epistemic cost adds to private costs associated with scholarly production, such as cost of access to knowledge, costs of writing research proposals, collaboration costs, etc. …
Altug Yalcintas:《经济学中的知识路径依赖:为什么经济学家不拒绝被反驳的理论》,《劳特里奇》2016年第2期,第14 + 173页,ISBN 978-1-138-01617-0
Altug Yalcintas:《经济学中的知识路径依赖:为什么经济学家不拒绝被反驳的理论》,Routledge, 2016, hb, xiv + 173页,ISBN 978-1-138-01617-0这本书的主要问题是“为什么经济学家应该改变他们的想法?”(第29页),显然是微不足道的。毕竟,各种倾向的学者都能在通往知识的道路上塑造自己的思想,这是他们存在的理由。经济学家的实际实践(第29-31页)确实表明,这种假设可能是有效的。但是,身为土耳其安卡拉大学历史学家和经济学家的作者却极力让读者相信,这个问题很微妙(比副标题所暗示的要微妙得多),而且改变想法是一种深思熟虑的过程,而不是科学发展过程中不可避免的事情,因此值得彻底关注。整个争论都建立在“不合适”解释的假定存在上,这些错误并不仅仅是学术尊严或体面所能消除的。一个完美的思想市场应该具有“完全修正错误的功能”(第9页),但由于两个原因,这种理想主义环境并不存在。首先,科学家(经济学家)并不总是理性的,科学(经济学)并不总是自我纠正的,尽管代表研究人员的行为无可挑剔。其次,科学是一项经济活动,因此可以用经济术语来解释:放弃一个定理在智力上和可能的金钱上都是昂贵的,而且考虑到它为研究人员提供的低收益,可能不会被认为是最好的选择。因此,经济学家确实改变了他们的想法,但在这个过程中,他们一方面陷入了看似永无止境的思想之争,另一方面陷入了有问题的研究实践(QRP),其结果是分散的自我纠正机制(如公开辩论、同行评审、复制或再生产)并不总是有效。经济学的既定结果可能是“强大的机构”和可自由支配的财政资源(例如军事或公司资金)推动研究达到预定目标的结果(第8,15 -17页)。对于斯坦利·杰文斯来说,大卫·李嘉图和约翰·斯图亚特·密尔是“头脑错误”的人,他们把经济学置于错误的轨道上,无法理解“真正的教义”(第15页)。亚当·斯密(Adam Smith)、卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)和约瑟夫·熊彼特(Joseph Schumpeter)等贡献者的一些经济学原创作品分别被抄袭(第16页)、意识形态偏见编辑(第54-55页)和外部更正(第54页)所玷污。另一些则被错误地处理方法捷径(如统计测试和软件包)所污染(第16-17页)。简而言之,市场的运作是不完美的:经济学有时是“被操纵的和错误的想法”的提供者(第11页)。作者最喜欢的人为想法选择的例子之一,也是本书的主题,是罗纳德·科斯的社会成本问题。这个案例选择得很恰当:除了让人轻松阅读之外,它还涉及了一个关于意外发现、误导性解释、无端引用原著以及代表经济学家的制度意识形态的复杂叙述。本书的标题揭示了作者如何对忽视负面外部性(如经济增长)的不良影响进行理性批评。“思想的错误陈述”(第8页))的科学行为。知识路径依赖(IPD)是理解思想市场失败的关键。作者分三步解构了知识生产的机制。首先,“知识生产的社会成本”或“知识成本”(EC)以QRP对知识环境造成的损害的形式出现——也就是说,削弱了“学者创造可持续环境的个人和集体能力”(第48页)。在认识论的一般成本-收益分析中,这种知识成本增加了与学术生产相关的私人成本,如获取知识的成本、撰写研究提案的成本、合作成本等. ...
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