"Defector," "Refugee," or "Migrant"? North Korean Settlers in South Korea's Changing Social Discourse 1

Q1 Arts and Humanities
S. K. Kim
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引用次数: 10

Abstract

IntroductionOn February 27, 2012, following lawmaker Park Sun-young's2 eleven-day hunger strike highlighting the human rights issue relating to North Korean repatriation, the South Korean Parliament passed a resolution urging China to discontinue the practice of returning North Korean border crossers. This action has triggered intensified international attention toward the human rights of North Koreans, with the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs subsequently approving the extension of the North Korean Human Rights Act, last reauthorized in 2008, until 2017. The British deputy prime minister, Nick Clegg, also applied symbolic pressure on North Korea and China by meeting North Korean settlers during a visit to South Korea for the Seoul Nuclear Security Summit in March. Given the political climate in South Korea as it faces two major elections amidst growing uncertainty across East Asia in the wake of the emergence of the Kim Jong-un regime following the death of Kim Jong-il in December 2011, it is perhaps not surprising that the North Korea issue is being revisited in 2012. In the bitter competition between the two opposite camps (conservative versus democratic) in the run-up to the two elections in the South, the renewed attention to the North Korean issue has been used to reframe existing indicators that distinguished political positions within the remnants of the Cold War legacy-especially those that capitalized on fostering anti-North Korean sentiments. Aligning with domestic circumstances, the United States has added its voice by pressuring North Korea and China in the language of human rights, foregrounding "humanitarian imperialism," the salient feature of Western discourse in international affairs and post-Cold War policy,3 as a prominent component in the geopolitical matrix of East Asia. Consequently, contrary to the dominant tendency of previous years, 2012 sees North Korean border crossers and arrivals in the South reconstructed as purely "victims of human rights violations" and "political refugees." This paper brings this changing understanding and naming of North Korean arrivals within the transient social discourse of South Korea into question, and argues that specific eras separate and interpellate North Korean arrivals through different names and roles depending on the particular political and economic interests of the time. Such interpellation instrumentalizes the figure of the migrant in the process of stabilizing South Korean society.North Korean arrivals to the South have been defined and understood in various ways over time: from "heroic" figures to "economic migrants." Given the systematic and ideological confrontation following the 1953 separation, strong Cold War ideology governed the two Koreas and produced those people that, to either side, would be labeled as "defectors." The number of North Korean arrivals to the South was 607 for the period between 1953 and 1989, resulting in their rarity being highly valued and fully utilized by the South Korean government in the ideological war. However, the number has dramatically increased since the mid-1990s, coinciding with the gradual replacement of the Cold War era by a post-Cold War ideology across the Korean Peninsula. From 1990 to 1993, only 34 North Koreans came to the South, but the next five years (1994-1998) saw 306 new arrivals, with the figure radically increasing over the subsequent three years, reaching 1,043. From 2001 onward, more than 1,000 North Koreans arrived each year, with the total number peaking at 23,000 in 2011.4 This circumstantial change has led to their redefinition from the "North's defected soldier" to a variety of different names such as "defected ethnic North Korean," "North Korean refugee," "defected North Korean resident," and more recently "North Korean migrant."5Following the trajectory of this "name giving," this article identifies three different historical stages in the processes of situating the North Korean arrivals' position in South Korean social discourse. …
“叛逃者”、“难民”还是“移民”?朝鲜移民在韩国不断变化的社会话语中
2012年2月27日,韩国国会议员朴善永(Park Sun-young)就朝鲜遣返问题进行了为期11天的绝食抗议,韩国国会通过了一项决议,敦促中国停止遣返朝鲜越境者的做法。这一举动引发了国际社会对朝鲜人权的高度关注,美国众议院外交委员会随后批准了将2008年重新批准的《朝鲜人权法》延长至2017年的法案。英国副首相尼克·克莱格(Nick Clegg)也向朝鲜和中国施加了象征性的压力,他在3月份访问韩国参加首尔核安全峰会(Seoul Nuclear Security Summit)期间会见了朝鲜定居者。2011年12月金正日去世后,金正日政权上台,韩国面临着两场重大选举,而东亚地区的不确定性也在增加,考虑到韩国的政治气候,朝鲜问题在2012年被重新讨论或许并不奇怪。在韩国两大对立阵营(保守与民主)的激烈竞争中,对朝鲜问题的重新关注被用来重新定义现有的指标,这些指标在冷战遗留问题中区分了政治立场,尤其是那些利用了培养反朝鲜情绪的指标。根据国内情况,美国用人权的语言向朝鲜和中国施压,增加了自己的声音,将“人道主义帝国主义”——西方在国际事务和冷战后政策中的话语的显著特征——作为东亚地缘政治矩阵的重要组成部分。因此,与前几年的主导趋势相反,2012年朝鲜越境者和抵达韩国的人被重建为纯粹的“侵犯人权的受害者”和“政治难民”。本文对韩国短暂的社会话语中对朝鲜移民的这种不断变化的理解和命名提出了质疑,并认为特定的时代根据当时特定的政治和经济利益,通过不同的名称和角色来区分和解释朝鲜移民。在稳定韩国社会的过程中,这种诘问将移民的形象工具化。随着时间的推移,抵达韩国的朝鲜人被以各种方式定义和理解:从“英雄”人物到“经济移民”。鉴于1953年分离后的系统性和意识形态对抗,强烈的冷战意识形态统治着两个朝鲜,并产生了对任何一方来说都被称为“叛逃者”的人。从1953年到1989年,进入韩国的北韩人有607人,因此在思想战争中得到了政府的高度重视和充分利用。但是,自20世纪90年代中期以来,随着韩半岛逐渐被冷战后的意识形态所取代,这一数字急剧增加。从1990年到1993年,只有34名北韩人来到韩国,但在接下来的5年(1994年至1998年)有306人来到韩国,在随后的3年里,这一数字急剧增加,达到1043人。从2001年开始,每年有超过1000名朝鲜人抵达韩国,2011年总人数达到23000人的峰值。这种环境变化导致他们从“朝鲜的叛逃士兵”重新定义为各种不同的名字,如“叛逃的朝鲜民族”、“朝鲜难民”、“叛逃的朝鲜居民”,以及最近的“朝鲜移民”。沿着这种“命名”的轨迹,本文确定了朝鲜抵达者在韩国社会话语中地位的过程中的三个不同的历史阶段。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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