North Korea-China Relations: An Asymmetric Alliance

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Sangit Sarita Dwivedi
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

IntroductionThe aim of this paper is to examine North Korean threat perceptions in the context of Stephen Walt's balance-of-threat theory. This theory argues that states actually react to perceived threat rather than to power, and aim to balance it. North Korea, as surrounded by four big powers-China, Russia, Japan, and the United States (U.S.)-perceives the U.S. policy toward itself, and the strengthening of U.S.-South Korea security cooperation, as posing serious threatening challenges. To balance this threat, North Korea has developed an alliance system with the People's Republic of China (PRC) based on common ideology,1 anti-Japanese sentiment, and anti-U.S. sentiment. Geographically, North Korea shares an 800-mile-long frontier with China. Historically, China and Korea have had shared relations, symbolized by a hierarchical tributary system. In this age-old relationship, China enjoyed the role of "big brother" to Korea's "little brother." Culturally, ideologically, and socially, North Korea belonged to the Chinese zone of influence. Common threat perceptions alone would have argued for a cooperative arrangement between these two countries. China was vast, powerful, economically strong, and therefore the dominant party. Hence, it was a partnership not between equals, but between two unequal states-one strong and powerful and the other a client.The Korean Peninsula, Hub of the Balance of Power in East AsiaMuch of Korea's history is "the story of its struggle, not always successful, to maintain its independence against external pressures."2 Contrary to its name, the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) is located within one of the world's most heavily militarized areas. There is little "strategic depth" between the DMZ and the capital cities of Pyongyang, which is about 125 km north of the DMZ, and Seoul, which is approximately 40 km south of the DMZ. Following the consolidation of Soviet dominance of Eastern Europe and the signing of the "Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance," the United States perceived that the consequences of a South Korean defeat would be highly detrimental to its own political and strategic interests. Chinese leaders had concluded that intervention in the Korean War would temper and caution Washington, whereas inaction would embolden it. Thus, the Korean War of 1950-1953 reminded China of the importance of Korea to its national security. The Korean War ended, but the peninsula remained divided at the Demilitarized Zone.Threat Perceptions until 1979: The North Korean PerspectiveThe U.S. Threat. North Koreans harbor a very deep grudge against the United States for two main reasons: the division of Korea and the American occupation of the southern part of Korea from 1945 to 1948. North Koreans also resent other American actions taken since 1953, the mutual security agreement with South Korea, and the maintenance of 36,000 American troops in South Korea. As the United States treated North Korea as a mere satellite of the Soviet Union, the relationship between the United States and North Korea developed to take the form of ideological confrontation; that is, capitalism versus socialism. From Pyongyang's point of view, a long and unbroken period of American nuclear hegemony in East Asia was inter- preted as a clear threat to its security. North Korea is the only country in the developing world that has faced a direct threat from a superpower's nuclear weapons from its very inception.3 During the Korean War, President Truman (at the behest of General Douglas MacArthur, who in July 1950 suggested a plan to use atomic bombs) seriously considered using nuclear weapons, but other allied nations objected.The South Korean Threat. The hostility between North Korea and South Korea is not only mutual but evenly matched. The North Korean version of history argues that the Democratic People's Republic (DPRK) in the north is the only legitimate government representing the entire Korean people, and that it was American "imperialism" and its creature, the South Korean regime, that prevented unification. …
朝中关系:不对称联盟
本文的目的是在斯蒂芬·沃尔特的威胁平衡理论的背景下研究朝鲜的威胁感知。这一理论认为,国家实际上是对感知到的威胁做出反应,而不是对力量做出反应,其目标是平衡威胁。被中国、俄罗斯、日本、美国四大强国包围的北韩将美国的对北政策和加强韩美安保合作视为严重的威胁。为了平衡这一威胁,北韩以共同的意识形态、反日情绪和反美情绪为基础,与中华人民共和国建立了同盟体系。情绪。从地理上看,朝鲜与中国有800英里长的边境线。从历史上看,中国和朝鲜有着共同的关系,以等级朝贡制度为标志。在这种古老的关系中,中国扮演着“老大哥”的角色,而韩国则是“小弟”。在文化、意识形态和社会方面,朝鲜属于中国的势力范围。单是共同的威胁感知,就足以支持这两个国家之间的合作安排。中国幅员辽阔,国力强大,经济实力雄厚,因此是执政党。因此,它不是平等国家之间的伙伴关系,而是两个不平等国家之间的伙伴关系——一个是强大的国家,另一个是附庸国。朝鲜半岛:东亚力量平衡的中心朝鲜半岛的大部分历史都是“它在外部压力下保持独立的斗争故事,但并不总是成功的”。与它的名字相反,非军事区(DMZ)位于世界上军事化程度最高的地区之一。在非军事区以北125公里的首都平壤和非军事区以南40公里的首都首尔之间,几乎没有什么“战略纵深”。随着苏联在东欧的统治地位的巩固和《中苏友好同盟互助条约》的签订,美国认识到,如果南朝鲜战败,将对美国自身的政治和战略利益造成极大的损害。中国领导人已经得出结论,干预朝鲜战争会让华盛顿缓和和警惕,而不采取行动则会让它更加大胆。因此,1950年至1953年的朝鲜战争提醒了中国朝鲜半岛对其国家安全的重要性。朝鲜战争结束了,但朝鲜半岛在非军事区仍处于分裂状态。直到1979年的威胁感知:朝鲜的视角和美国的威胁。朝鲜人对美国怀有很深的怨恨,主要有两个原因:朝鲜半岛的分裂,以及美国在1945年至1948年期间对朝鲜南部的占领。朝鲜人还对美国自1953年以来采取的其他行动、与韩国的共同安全协议以及在韩国维持3.6万名美军感到不满。由于美国将朝鲜仅仅视为苏联的卫星国,美朝关系发展为意识形态对抗的形式;也就是说,资本主义对抗社会主义。从平壤的角度来看,美国在东亚长期不间断的核霸权被解读为对其安全的明显威胁。朝鲜是发展中国家中唯一一个从一开始就面临超级大国核武器直接威胁的国家朝鲜战争期间,杜鲁门总统(应道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军的要求,麦克阿瑟于1950年7月提出了使用原子弹的计划)认真考虑过使用核武器,但其他盟国反对。韩国的威胁。朝鲜和韩国之间的敌意不仅是相互的,而且是势均力敌的。朝鲜的历史版本认为,北方的民主主义人民共和国(DPRK)是代表全体朝鲜人民的唯一合法政府,是美国“帝国主义”及其产物——韩国政权阻碍了统一。…
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来源期刊
North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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