Why Do We Not Understand the DPRK

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Alon Levkowitz
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

IntroductionOn October 27, 2006, The New York Times published an article by Mark Mazzetti, entitled "In '97, U.S. Panel Predicted a North Korea Collapse in 5 Years" (Mazzetti and Shanker, 2006). Nine years had passed and the DPRK had not collapsed. Why had American experts estimated that North Korea would collapse by 2002 and why did this not happen? One of the reasons proffered was that they had not correctly anticipated the changes in South Korean policy towards the DPRK. If one looks at the reports prior to the North Korean missile test held on 4 July 2006 and the DPRK's nuclear test held on 9 October 2006, the same problem is evident when some of the experts estimated that the DPRK would not conduct these tests. The DPRK did not "follow these analyses." The DPRK is not the only case study in which social science predictions have failed. One can look at the predictions preceding elections in countries worldwide and discover that the results are in some cases completely different from the original forecasts. Forecasts concerning Iraq's attack on Kuwait or the Chinese intervention in the Korean War are examples of how social science researchers can err. When we want to explain why analysts miscalculated the results and did not correctly predict what would happen in the DPRK or in other places, we can find different reasons that are general causes that any social science research faces, but we can also find specific reasons that are linked to the DPRK.This brief commentary does not wish to blame or offend anyone, but to try to discover the reasons why some (but not all) of us tend to make mistakes when we attempt to predict what the DPRK will do. In order not to upset anyone, I will make general observations on this issue, without referring to a specific report.AnalogiesWhen we explain political phenomena we usually make analogies to other case studies. The analogies belong to political science methods of comparing and finding cases that resemble the relevant case study. When analyzing North Korea, the analogy that researchers use is Eastern Europe and other communist states such as Romania and East Germany. In the case of Romania, the political, social, and economic turmoil led to the coup against President Nicolae Ceausescu. Several forecasts have asserted that the political, economic, and social environment in the DPRK might lead to a coup similar to that in Romania. According to this analogy, the regime in Pyongyang should have been overthrown years ago, but the fact that Kim Jong-il is still in power illustrates that there are immense differences between these two states and calls the validity of this analogy into question. As the second analogy, the German case study provides a model for peaceful unification. But the differences between the two countries should be taken into consideration. For example, nationalism plays a much more important role in Korea, and the population and economic differences between the two Germanys and the two Koreas influence the cost of unification.A "Cold War Mentality"One of the main premises of the Cold War era was the patron-client theory. According to this theory, the existence of the DPRK was dependent on its two patrons: the U.S.S.R. and China. The end of the Cold War raised the question, in some arti- cles (Betts, 1993), of whether Pyongyang could survive without the support of Moscow and Beijing. Victor Cha (2002) raised the problem of the Cold War mentality in his article. One could read between the lines that, for some researchers, the end of the Cold War would probably lead, in a very short time, to the collapse of the DPRK, because without the old patrons Pyongyang would not survive. This concept was used by advocates of sanctions against the DPRK, who said that a state without a patron would not be able to survive for long, and that the economic sanctions would cause Pyongyang to "surrender" to the demands of the free world. Pyongyang's missile and nuclear tests have proven that the threat of sanctions has not fulfilled its goals. …
为什么我们不了解朝鲜
2006年10月27日,《纽约时报》刊登了Mark Mazzetti撰写的题为《1997年,美国专家小组预测朝鲜将在5年内崩溃》的文章(Mazzetti and Shanker, 2006)。9年过去了,朝鲜并没有崩溃。为什么美国专家曾预测朝鲜会在2002年崩溃,而这又没有发生?提出的理由之一是,他们没有正确地预测到南朝鲜对朝鲜政策的变化。如果看一下2006年7月4日北朝鲜进行导弹试验和2006年10月9日北朝鲜进行核试验之前的报告,同样的问题也很明显,有些专家估计北朝鲜不会进行这些试验。朝鲜没有“遵循这些分析”。朝鲜并不是社会科学预测失败的唯一案例。人们可以看看世界各国选举前的预测,并发现结果在某些情况下与最初的预测完全不同。关于伊拉克对科威特的攻击或中国对朝鲜战争的干预的预测都是社会科学研究人员可能出错的例子。当我们想要解释为什么分析人员错误地计算了结果,没有正确地预测朝鲜或其他地方会发生什么时,我们可以找到不同的原因,这是任何社会科学研究面临的一般原因,但我们也可以找到与朝鲜有关的具体原因。这篇简短的评论并不想指责或冒犯任何人,而是试图找出为什么我们中的一些人(但不是所有人)在试图预测朝鲜会做什么的时候往往会犯错误的原因。为了不使任何人感到不安,我就这个问题发表一般性看法,不涉及具体报道。类比当我们解释政治现象时,我们通常用其他案例进行类比。类比属于比较和发现与相关案例研究相似的案例的政治科学方法。研究人员在分析北韩时,把东欧和罗马尼亚、东德等共产主义国家作为类比。在罗马尼亚,政治、社会和经济动荡导致了推翻总统尼古拉·齐奥塞斯库的政变。一些预测断言,朝鲜的政治、经济和社会环境可能导致类似罗马尼亚的政变。按照这一类比,平壤政权早在几年前就应该被推翻,但金正日(Kim Jong-il)仍在掌权的事实表明,这两个国家之间存在巨大差异,并使这种类比的有效性受到质疑。作为第二个类比,德国的案例研究为和平统一提供了一个模式。但应该考虑到两国之间的差异。例如,民族主义在朝鲜扮演着更重要的角色,两个德国和两个朝鲜之间的人口和经济差异影响了统一的成本。冷战时期的一个主要前提是主顾理论。根据这一理论,朝鲜的存在依赖于它的两个赞助人:苏联和中国。在一些文章(Betts, 1993)中,冷战的结束提出了一个问题,即平壤是否可以在没有莫斯科和北京支持的情况下生存。Victor Cha(2002)在他的文章中提出了冷战思维的问题。从字里行间可以看出,对一些研究人员来说,冷战的结束可能会在很短的时间内导致朝鲜的崩溃,因为没有这些老主顾,平壤将无法生存。这一概念被主张制裁朝鲜的人所使用,他们说,一个没有保护人的国家将无法长久存在,经济制裁将导致平壤向自由世界的要求“投降”。平壤的导弹和核试验已经证明,制裁威胁并没有实现其目标。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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