City Campaigns on the Cusp and the Edmonton Mayoralty Election of 1992

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
J. Lightbody
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Recent municipal elections in Canada's major cities have revealed a keen competition for power increasingly rooted in ideological divisions. These competitions have directly challenged the once comfortable but essentially suffocating mythology of growth-focussed boosterism. It is in the selection of the community's most visible spokesperson, the mayor, that divisions may become clearest. This case study of one such city-wide campaign, that of 1992 in Edmonton, Alberta, focusses on the logistics of shaping competitive ideologies and divergent cultural images to the rough-and-tumble of election politics. The role assumed by the city hall press gallery is assessed. Some explanation is offered as to why contemporary city campaigns are at their most bitter as ideological choice becomes more clearly defined, and as individuals personify issues and ideas rather than alternative brands of boosterism. General municipal elections have historically been run differently from those in the other worlds of Canadian politics. Councillors have fixed terms, so their next rendezvous with electors is known from day one. Electoral lists are usually established well in advance of the actual date of polling. For most local jurisdictions outside Quebec the elections have not traditionally been partisan -- even when the federal and provincial sympathies are well known among the gladiator class, with voting based on principal rather than principle.(f.1) While it has long been my argument that it is both necessary and desirable to professionalize city politics by engaging the partisans above-board,(f.2) by long-standing convention city campaigns have been less formal and not as professionally conducted as federal and provincial campaigns (in even the smallest provinces). Voter turnout is usually very low; in fact, beyond the communities within the Census Metropolitan Areas it has often proven necessary for local establishments to coerce unsuspecting local notables "to serve" the sentence of a term or two. The central case to be made in this essay is that elections in Canada's major cities have changed and it is in the race for the mayor's chair that the evidence of this now appears most clearly. Campaigns have become more professionally run and gladiators once exclusively focussed on the "senior" levels of government have become extensively involved. While this phenomenon has been manifest in Toronto, Vancouver, Winnipeg and even Montreal over the past few years,(f.3) several reasons for new levels of involvement will be considered in the specific context of the October 1992 mayoralty campaign in Edmonton, Alberta. Essentially, I argue that a combination of factors has caused ideological divisions drawn from the political culture of the city to become sharpened, to represent tangible goals and, in consequence, to cause campaigns to be fought on the cusp of these differences. In examining in considerable detail the functional policy choices made, recent analyses of modern problems in the Canadian metropolis tend to overlook who is in charge of making those choices and how they got there.(f.4) Christopher Leo has stated the situation plainly: "[The] more conventional approach to city politics ... operates on the explicit or implicit assumption that government is a kind of neutral decision-making and implementation machinery that tabulates public opinion and produces policies responsive to the demands it identifies."(f.5) With Leo, I share the perception that politics -- especially in and of the city -- is about ideology actively applied through the electoral pursuit of power. More importantly, it appears that contemporary city politics are themselves evolving in this direction,(f.6) and this essay examines the top level of one such contest. The "non-partisan" labels applied to most major Canadian municipal elections merely disguise the fact that they are anything but apolitical. The suffocating mythology of our urban politics is that they are consensual, boosterish, growth-directed. …
1992年的城市运动和埃德蒙顿市长选举
最近在加拿大主要城市举行的市政选举表明,意识形态分歧日益成为权力竞争的根源。这些竞争直接挑战了曾经舒适但本质上令人窒息的以增长为中心的助推器神话。在选择社区最引人注目的发言人市长时,分歧可能会变得最明显。本案例研究的是1992年艾伯塔省埃德蒙顿市(Edmonton, Alberta)的一场全市范围的竞选活动,重点研究了在混乱的选举政治中塑造竞争意识形态和不同文化形象的逻辑。对市政厅新闻发布厅的作用进行了评估。随着意识形态的选择变得更加明确,随着个人将问题和想法人格化,而不是其他品牌的助推器,为什么当代城市运动最痛苦,有人给出了一些解释。从历史上看,市政大选的运作方式与加拿大政治的其他领域有所不同。议员有固定的任期,所以他们与选民的下一次会面从第一天起就知道了。选举名单通常在实际投票日期之前很久就已确定。对于魁北克以外的大多数地方管辖区来说,选举传统上并不是党派之争——即使联邦和省的同情在角斗士阶层中众所周知,(f.1)虽然我一直认为,通过公开的党派参与,使城市政治专业化是必要的,也是可取的,(f.2)由于长期的会议,城市竞选不那么正式,也不像联邦和省级竞选那样专业(即使在最小的省份)。投票率通常很低;事实上,在人口普查区以外的社区,当地机构经常有必要强迫毫无戒心的当地名人“服刑”一到两年。这篇文章的中心论点是,加拿大主要城市的选举已经发生了变化,而这一点在市长竞选中表现得最为明显。竞选活动变得更加专业化,曾经只关注政府“高层”的角斗士们也广泛参与进来。虽然这一现象在过去几年中在多伦多、温哥华、温尼伯甚至蒙特利尔都很明显,(f.3)将在1992年10月艾伯塔省埃德蒙顿市长竞选的具体背景下审议参与程度提高的几个原因。从本质上讲,我认为,一系列因素导致了来自城市政治文化的意识形态分歧变得更加尖锐,代表了切实的目标,因此,导致了在这些分歧的尖端进行的运动。在相当详细地审查所作出的功能性政策选择时,最近对加拿大大都市现代问题的分析往往忽略了谁负责做出这些选择以及他们是如何做出这些选择的。(f.4)克里斯托弗·里奥直截了当地陈述了情况:“更传统的城市政治方法……(f.5)与利奥一样,我也认为政治——尤其是城市中的政治——是通过对权力的选举追求而积极应用的意识形态。更重要的是,当代城市政治本身似乎也在朝着这个方向发展,(f.6),本文考察了其中一个这样的竞赛的最高水平。加拿大大多数主要市政选举都被贴上了“无党派”的标签,但这仅仅掩盖了一个事实,即这些选举与政治无关。我们的城市政治令人窒息的神话是,它们是双方同意的、积极的、以增长为导向的。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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