Conjoined to Empire: The Great Depression and Nigeria

IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Moses Ochonu
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引用次数: 20

Abstract

The Great Depression, which lasted from 1929 to 1939, has been largely treated as a period of stagnancy in African history. It was a period in which nothing happened due to the bankruptcy that befell colonial powers and their subsequent preoccupation with economic recovery to the detriment of public works and social projects.1 Many scholars argue that the depression's only remarkable feature is that it was a period of unprecedented exploitation of African resources and peasants as colonial powers sought to transfer the burdens and sacrifices of recovery to Africans. The period is therefore largely portrayed as one that is better forgotten than explained or understood.This interpretive paradigm has largely colored the scholarly commentaries on the depression in Nigeria, Britain's most populous colony in Africa. Consequently, the impact of that economic crisis on Nigerians and on British colonialism in Nigeria has been underappreciated. Similarly, in deference to the notion that the depression represented a lull rather than a watershed, scholars have neither adequately integrated the crisis and its impact into discussions about the legacy of colonialism nor situated the crisis in the literature on decolonization.This paper is an attempt to document and explain the depression experience in Nigeria. It pays particular attention to the impact of the crisis on Nigeria as well as on the economic recovery measures instituted by the British and their consequences. The paper is premised on the hypothesis that an understanding of the depression and its impact on Nigeria is crucial to understanding the economic impact of British colonialism on Nigeria. Such an understanding is also germane to unraveling the crisis of late British colonialism, which culminated in the post-World War II movement towards decolonization.R.O. Ekundare has observed that the Nigerian colonial government reduced some direct and indirect taxes to help stimulate production and export during the depression and suggests that this was also designed to bring some economic relief to the people of Nigeria.1 While this altruistic motive of British economic recovery strategies may be in dispute, Ekundare at least steers clear of teleological explanations in order to unpack the actual economic policies and measures that the British used to combat the depression in Nigeria. His is however a rare, nuanced position, which does not impute British depression-era economic policies with a predatory desire to exploit Africans. Other scholars are not as nuanced, and tend to suggest a more deliberate, sinister economic motive for the responses of the British to the depression's manifestations in Nigeria.' Impoverishment, which was rife during the economic crisis, is presented in much of the literature as both a product and goal of direct British economic agency during the crisis. The spread of poverty is situated in the collapse of prices and in what these scholars regard as harsh tax rates. Bill Freund shows how the collapse of tin mining on the Jos Plateau authorized a regime of labor exploitation on the part of expatriate tin mining companies, enabling them to retrench miners and cut wages. These self-cushioning measures spread poverty and destitution on the Plateau and undermined a vibrant trade in foodstuffs and labor migration linking the economy of the Benue Valley to that of the Plateau.4This paper follows these scholars in affirming the self-interested, self-cushioning recovery strategies of British colonial officialdom and expatriate firms in Nigeria. These strategies had the impact of transferring more wealth and value from Nigerians to the coffers of the British colonial government. Some of this value was removed directly from Nigeria and transported to Britain, such as the case of the currency withdrawals that will be discussed in this paper. But this devastating impact was the incidental consequence of what one might call the advent of a colonialism of the balance sheet during the depression rather than of a deliberate attempt by the British to use the depression as an excuse to impoverish Nigerians. …
结合帝国:大萧条和尼日利亚
从1929年持续到1939年的大萧条在很大程度上被视为非洲历史上的一段停滞时期。这是一个什么都没有发生的时期,因为殖民列强破产了,它们随后全神贯注于经济复苏,损害了公共工程和社会项目许多学者认为,大萧条的唯一显著特征是,这是一个前所未有的剥削非洲资源和农民的时期,因为殖民列强试图将经济复苏的负担和牺牲转移到非洲人身上。因此,这段时期在很大程度上被描绘成一段最好被遗忘而不是被解释或理解的时期。这种解释范式在很大程度上影响了对尼日利亚大萧条的学术评论,尼日利亚是英国在非洲人口最多的殖民地。因此,这场经济危机对尼日利亚人和英国在尼日利亚的殖民主义的影响一直没有得到充分的重视。同样,出于对大萧条代表着平静而非分水岭的观点的尊重,学者们既没有充分地将危机及其影响纳入有关殖民主义遗产的讨论中,也没有将危机置于有关非殖民化的文献中。本文试图记录和解释尼日利亚的抑郁症经历。它特别注意到危机对尼日利亚的影响以及对英国所采取的经济复苏措施的影响及其后果。本文的前提假设是,对萧条及其对尼日利亚的影响的理解对于理解英国殖民主义对尼日利亚的经济影响至关重要。这样的理解也与揭示晚期英国殖民主义的危机密切相关,这种危机在二战后的非殖民化运动中达到高潮。Ekundare观察到,尼日利亚殖民政府在大萧条期间减少了一些直接和间接税,以帮助刺激生产和出口,并认为这也是为了给尼日利亚人民带来一些经济救济。尽管英国经济复苏战略的这种利他动机可能存在争议,为了揭示英国人用来对抗尼日利亚经济萧条的实际经济政策和措施,埃昆达尔至少避开了目的论的解释。然而,他的立场是罕见而微妙的,他没有将英国大萧条时期的经济政策归咎于剥削非洲人的掠夺性欲望。其他学者则没有这么细致入微,他们倾向于认为,英国人对尼日利亚大萧条的反应有一个更蓄意、更险恶的经济动机。在经济危机期间普遍存在的贫困,在许多文献中都被认为是危机期间英国直接经济机构的产物和目标。贫困的蔓延源于物价的暴跌以及这些学者所认为的严苛的税率。Bill Freund展示了Jos高原锡矿开采的崩溃如何授权了外籍锡矿公司的劳动剥削制度,使他们能够削减矿工和降低工资。这些自我缓冲措施在高原上传播了贫困和匮乏,破坏了将贝努埃河谷经济与高原经济联系起来的充满活力的食品贸易和劳动力迁移。4本文跟随这些学者,肯定了英国殖民官员和在尼日利亚的外籍公司的自利、自我缓冲的恢复策略。这些策略的影响是将更多的财富和价值从尼日利亚人转移到英国殖民政府的金库。其中一些价值直接从尼日利亚转移到英国,例如本文将要讨论的货币提取案例。但这种毁灭性的影响是大萧条时期资产负债表殖民主义的附带后果,而不是英国人蓄意利用大萧条作为让尼日利亚人陷入贫困的借口。…
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