Cultural and intercultural functions of Chinese restaurants in the Mountain West: An insider's perspective

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 FOLKLORE
WESTERN FOLKLORE Pub Date : 2002-10-01 DOI:10.2307/1500426
L. Li
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

As Jan Harold Brunvand points out (Brunvand 1998:591), folk foods (in which category we can also include the kinds of ethnic and national foods I will discuss here) are unique among traditional expressions because they are so "quickly and wholly consumed" by their makers and eaters (their performers and audiences, in folklore terms). Since traditional foods appear and disappear so constantly, a proper study of food folklore must focus not only on the foods themselves, but also on the cultural codes that determine how and why they are produced, and on the customs, assumptions, and shared tastes on which these codes are founded. Virtually all studies of foodlore that go beyond regional recipe books take the contextual, culturally constructed dimension to be at least as important as the resultant foods themselves-often more so, as a look through Brunvand's extensive bibliography indicates (1998:609-614). Most of the essays in the special foodways issue of Western Folklore (vol. 40 [1981]) are also related to the cultural, rather than the metabolic, aspects of food, as are the essays by Yvonne R. and William G. Lockwood, Janet S. Theophano, David Shuldiner, Carolyn Lipson-Walker, Larry Danielson, Olivia Cadaval, and Susan Auerbach in Stephen Stern's and John Allan Cicala's Creative Ethnicity: Symbols and Strategies of Contemporary Ethnic Life (1991). By now, that is, the ethnic dimension of folk foods is more often assumed than questioned. Even so, many studies are shaped by outside inquirers who, though fascinated by the food customs and convinced of their importance, approach their topics without deep personal experience in the assumptions that lie behind the customs they seek to document and discuss. The insider, on the other hand (and several of the articles indicated above were written by members of the community being studied), faces another problem: deep personal acquaintance makes it difficult to be objective about the details of the tradition-a dilemma resolved in part by access to the nuances of language not available to the outsider. The present essay lies somewhere between these two positions for, although the author is a native-born Chinese, the American Chinese traditions discussed here are not exactly what a Chinese "insider" might initially expect to find. For one thing, while many Chinese dishes in America reflect their regional origins in China with great accuracy, others are new or modified. Thus, in addition to the topic of cultural maintenance or cultural identity through food (which we more or less expect to see), we have a record of modification and change in response to the American cultural environment, which provides evidence of subtle cultural pressures expressed in food more fully than in words. We will also see that Chinese food in American restaurant form plays an important role in active, ongoing cultural relations-as is the case with many national cuisines now resident in the United States. One can hardly find a town in the western United States that does not offer at least one Chinese restaurant. Chinese food, like Italian food, has become almost ubiquitous in American everyday life: Americans take their dates to Chinese restaurants, they take their whole families out on weekend evenings for fancy Chinese dinners, or they order a take-out when they have to work overtime at their businesses. However, Chinese restaurants in America not only serve their function as restaurants but also represent Chinese culture and help Chinese-Americans or overseas Chinese to re-experience and maintain many of their cultural values. Chinese food and the functions it serves represent Chinese traditions, customs, personal points of view, skills, and experiences. Chinese food is good to eat, yet it is troublesome to prepare, since cooking Chinese food properly is like creating a piece of art, and to Chinese it requires a Chinese hand. This may bring up some questions: Can Chinese food in America really be "authentic"? …
西部山区中餐馆的文化与跨文化功能:一个局内人的视角
正如Jan Harold Brunvand所指出的(Brunvand 1998:591),民间食品(在这一类别中,我们也可以包括我将在这里讨论的各种民族和国家食品)在传统表达中是独一无二的,因为它们是如此“迅速和完全地被它们的制造者和食客(用民俗术语来说,它们的表演者和观众)消耗殆尽。由于传统食物的出现和消失如此频繁,对食物民俗的适当研究不仅要关注食物本身,还要关注决定如何和为什么生产这些食物的文化规范,以及这些规范所依据的习俗、假设和共同口味。事实上,所有超越地区食谱的关于食物的研究,都认为语境、文化建构的维度至少和食物本身一样重要——通常更重要,正如Brunvand广泛的参考书目所表明的那样(1998:609-614)。《西方民俗》(第40卷[1981])美食特刊中的大多数文章也与文化有关,而不是食物的代谢方面,正如伊冯·R.和威廉·g·洛克伍德、珍妮特·s·西奥菲诺、大卫·舒尔丁纳、卡罗琳·利普森-沃克、拉里·丹尼尔森、奥利维亚·卡达瓦尔和苏珊·奥尔巴赫在斯蒂芬·斯特恩和约翰·艾伦·西卡拉的《创造性民族:当代民族生活的符号和策略》(1991)中的文章一样。也就是说,到目前为止,民间食品的民族维度更多的是假设而不是质疑。即便如此,许多研究都是由外部调查者塑造的,他们虽然对食物习俗很着迷,也相信它们的重要性,但在研究主题时,却没有对他们试图记录和讨论的习俗背后的假设有深刻的个人经验。另一方面,圈内人(上面提到的几篇文章都是由被研究的社区成员写的)面临着另一个问题:深入的个人了解使他们很难客观地了解传统的细节——这个困境在一定程度上是由局外人无法获得的语言细微差别来解决的。这篇文章介于这两种立场之间,尽管作者是土生土长的中国人,但这里讨论的美国华人传统并不完全是中国“圈内人”最初可能期望发现的。一方面,虽然美国的许多中国菜非常准确地反映了它们在中国的地域起源,但也有一些是新的或经过改良的。因此,除了通过食物维持文化或文化认同的话题(这是我们或多或少希望看到的)之外,我们还记录了对美国文化环境的修改和变化,这提供了食物比语言更充分地表达微妙文化压力的证据。我们还将看到,美国餐馆形式的中餐在积极的、持续的文化关系中扮演着重要的角色——就像现在居住在美国的许多民族菜系一样。在美国西部,你几乎找不到一个城镇没有至少一家中国餐馆。和意大利菜一样,中餐在美国人的日常生活中几乎无处不在:美国人带着约会对象去中餐馆吃饭,周末晚上带全家出去吃丰盛的中餐,或者在工作需要加班的时候叫外卖。然而,美国的中餐馆不仅仅是餐馆的功能,还代表着中国文化,帮助华裔美国人或海外华人重新体验和保持他们的许多文化价值观。中国食物及其功能代表了中国的传统、习俗、个人观点、技能和经验。中国菜很好吃,但做起来很麻烦,因为做好中国菜就像创造一件艺术品,对中国人来说,这需要中国人的手。这可能会带来一些问题:中餐在美国真的是“正宗的”吗?…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
WESTERN FOLKLORE
WESTERN FOLKLORE FOLKLORE-
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