Afro-Americans and Moral Suasion: The Debate in the 1830's

T. Adeleke
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引用次数: 18

Abstract

Moral suasion, and the abolitionist movement which inspired and propelled it for about the decade between 1830-1840, have traditionally been conceived as offshoots of the activities of white abolitionists, particularly William Lloyd Garrison and his New England Anti-Slavery Society. Blacks, according to this view, derived their abolitionist impetus and ethos from whites. Not surprisingly, black abolitionists rejected this paternalistic explanation, and claimed credit for inaugurating the anti-slavery crusade. White abolitionists, including Garrison, blacks countered, began their careers as colonizationists (deemed pro-slavery), and only became abolitionists and anti-slavery after they had come under the influence of blacks. This contention is perhaps, most forcefully defended by Martin Delany.(1) Unfortunately, there is a dearth of specialized study of moral suasion, despite the tremendous interest that abolitionism generated and continues to generate among scholars. Reflecting the pervasive character of paternalism, existing studies, with notable exceptions, portray moral suasion as the creation of white abolitionists, best exemplified by the Garrisonians.(2) Though moral suasion as a well defined abolitionist ideology is identified with Garrison, its historical root as a reform strategy is much deeper, going as far back as to the tradition of the Quakers, and among African-Americans to the self-help and cooperative activities of free blacks in New York and Pennsylvania in the eighteenth century. These two abolitionists (i.e., the Quakers and free blacks), espoused and advanced values that would later surface in Garrisonian ideology. The official adoption of moral suasion by the Garrisonians occurred in 1832 with the launching of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. This was followed in 1833 with the founding of the American Anti-Slavery Society in Philadelphia by a group of between fifty to sixty abolitionists from about ten states. Their strategy, as Gerald Sorin shows, entailed the pursuit of abolition through non-violence. They pledged to work for "the destruction of error by the potency of truth . . . the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love . . . the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance."(3) These events happened after the First National Negro Convention in Philadelphia in 1831, at which blacks acknowledged their problems and shortcomings, and expressed faith in the redemptive power of moral suasion by pledging to work strenuously to "encourage simplicity, neatness, temperance and economy in our habits" in order to disprove preconceived notions and prejudices.(4) Subsequent conventions amplified tiffs moral suasionist ethics, climaxing with the formation of the American Moral Reform Society in 1835. Change was deemed the result, not of violence, or some other forms of radical political activities, but of the pursuit and realization of the ideals of moral suasion. Pro-slavery advocates and racial conservatives justified discriminatory policies on alleged deficiencies inherent in the character and conditions of blacks. Blacks, according to popular reasoning, were disadvantaged and degraded in consequence of behavioral and situational imperfections - that they were lazy, ignorant, backward and morally decadent. Though racial conservatives described these traits as inherent, perhaps even divinely conditioned, and, therefore, permanent, blacks were somehow optimistic that a serious attempt to alleviate the deficiencies would appeal favorably to the moral conscience of all advocates of black subordination, and thus usher in a new social, economic and political order that would not only accommodate and elevate blacks, but also concede their long denied rights and privileges. Moral suasion espoused a moral definition of slavery and racism, a view many members of the emerging black middle class accepted. It was an integrative and optimistic ideology, informed by faith in the potency of universal values - values that supposedly impacted humanity equally. …
非裔美国人与道德劝说:19世纪30年代的辩论
道德劝说和废奴运动在1830-1840年间激发和推动了道德劝说,传统上被认为是白人废奴主义者活动的分支,尤其是威廉·劳埃德·加里森和他的新英格兰反奴隶制协会。根据这种观点,黑人的废奴主义动力和精神来源于白人。毫不奇怪,黑人废奴主义者拒绝这种家长式的解释,并声称自己开创了反奴隶制运动。黑人反驳说,包括加里森在内的白人废奴主义者,一开始是殖民主义者(被认为是支持奴隶制的),直到受到黑人的影响才成为废奴主义者和反奴隶制者。(1)不幸的是,尽管废奴主义在学者中产生并继续产生巨大的兴趣,但对道德劝说的专门研究却很少。(2)尽管道德劝说作为一种明确定义的废奴主义意识形态与加里森有关,但其作为一种改革策略的历史根源要深刻得多,可以追溯到贵格会的传统。以及18世纪纽约和宾夕法尼亚自由黑人的自助和合作活动。这两个废奴主义者(即贵格会教徒和自由黑人),拥护并推进了后来在加里森意识形态中出现的价值观。1832年,随着新英格兰反奴隶制协会的成立,加里森派正式采用了道德劝说。1833年,一群来自10个州的50到60名废奴主义者在费城成立了美国反奴隶制协会。正如杰拉尔德•索林(Gerald Sorin)所言,他们的策略是通过非暴力方式追求废除黑奴制度。他们承诺为“用真理的力量摧毁错误……”而努力。用爱的力量推翻偏见……(3)这些事件发生在1831年费城第一届全国黑人大会之后,在这次大会上,黑人承认了他们的问题和缺点,并表示相信道德劝说的救赎力量,承诺努力工作,“鼓励简单,整洁,(4)随后的会议扩大了道德劝说主义伦理的争论,并以1835年美国道德改革协会的成立达到高潮。变革被认为不是暴力或其他形式的激进政治活动的结果,而是追求和实现道德劝说理想的结果。支持奴隶制的提倡者和种族保守派以所谓黑人性格和条件固有的缺陷为歧视政策辩护。根据流行的推理,黑人是由于行为和环境的不完美而处于不利地位和堕落的——他们懒惰、无知、落后和道德堕落。尽管种族保守主义者将这些特征描述为与生俱来的,甚至可能是由上帝决定的,因此是永久的,但黑人多少还是乐观地认为,认真尝试减轻这些缺陷,将有利于所有主张黑人从属地位的人的道德良知,从而迎来一个新的社会、经济和政治秩序,不仅会容纳和提升黑人,而且还会承认他们长期以来被剥夺的权利和特权。道德劝说支持对奴隶制和种族主义的道德定义,这一观点被新兴黑人中产阶级的许多成员所接受。它是一种综合的、乐观的意识形态,以对普遍价值的力量的信仰为依据,这些价值被认为对人类有平等的影响。…
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