{"title":"Why Are Delaware and New York Bankruptcy Reorganizations Failing","authors":"Lynn M. LoPucki, Joseph W. Doherty","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.303580","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"I. INTRODUCTION Before 1990, the United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Delaware was a sleepy backwater. During the entire decade of the 1980s, Phoenix Steel-whose only plant was located in Delaware-was the only large, public company to file there.1 In 1990, two large, public companies-Continental Airlines and United Merchants and Manufacturers-filed in Delaware. They constituted 7% of the twenty-nine large, public companies filing in the United States that year.2 From 1990 to 1996, Delaware's market share steadily increased to 87% (thirteen of fifteen cases).3 In just seven years, Delaware had become the bankruptcy reorganization capital of the United States.4 Lynn LoPucki and Sara Kalin recently suggested that the Delaware bankruptcy court's spectacular success in winning market share may have been accompanied by an equally spectacular failure in the reorganizations that the court processed during those years.5 Their suggestion was based principally on an empirical finding that by February 2000, nine of the thirty companies (30%) emerging from bankruptcy reorganization in Delaware from 1991 to 1996 had filed bankruptcy a second time.6 Excluding New York-which had a refiling rate almost as high as Delaware's (23%)-only four of the seventy-five large, public companies (5%) emerging from bankruptcy in other courts during the same period filed a second time.7 LoPucki and Kalin's study made only a preliminary attempt to discover the reasons for Delaware's higher refiling rate. But, as their findings on the disparity of refiling rates gained wide publicity,8 bankruptcy scholars, lawyers, and judges offered a variety of possible explanations. Most of those explanations sought to exonerate the courts. Some argued that refiling is an inadequate measure of success, IMAGE FORMULA9 because it ignores distressed debtors that fail without refiling.9 Some argued that the firms filing in Delaware might have been more difficult to reorganize because they had more complex capital structures10 or more serious business problems.11 Others argued that Delaware's high refiling rate was economically efficient,12 implying that other courts should ease their standards and accept higher refiling rates. Still others argued that it was impossible to know whether Delaware was doing a worse job without knowing the individual reasons that each reorganization failed.13 This Article reports the results of a study designed to confirm that Delaware's and New York's higher refiling rates indicate higher failure rates and to begin the inquiry into the reasons for those higher failure rates. Part II describes the universe of cases studied, the sources of data, and the method by which the data were gathered. IMAGE FORMULA11 Part III describes four criteria for evaluating the success of reorganized firms and applies them to determine whether Delaware and New York reorganizations are less successful than reorganizations in other courts. Part III concludes that in the five years after emerging, Delaware- and New York-reorganized firms refiled more often, failed to perform their plans more often, suffered greater losses, and even went out of business due to financial distress more often. Part IV compares, on several criteria, the firms entering reorganization in Delaware and New York with those entering reorganization elsewhere but finds no reason to believe that the Delaware- or New York-reorganized firms differed in ways that made them more difficult to reorganize. Part V considers and rejects the claim that the two courts' high failure rates might be efficient. Part VI examines several differences in the bankruptcy process as it operates in Delaware, New York, and other courts, concluding that certain differences in Delaware's reorganization process appear to contribute to Delaware's high failure rates. Part VII offers some additional conclusions and speculations on other, as-yet-untested features of Delaware reorganization that might also contribute to Delaware's high failure rates. …","PeriodicalId":47503,"journal":{"name":"Vanderbilt Law Review","volume":"55 1","pages":"1933"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4000,"publicationDate":"2002-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.303580","citationCount":"45","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Vanderbilt Law Review","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.303580","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"LAW","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 45
Abstract
I. INTRODUCTION Before 1990, the United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Delaware was a sleepy backwater. During the entire decade of the 1980s, Phoenix Steel-whose only plant was located in Delaware-was the only large, public company to file there.1 In 1990, two large, public companies-Continental Airlines and United Merchants and Manufacturers-filed in Delaware. They constituted 7% of the twenty-nine large, public companies filing in the United States that year.2 From 1990 to 1996, Delaware's market share steadily increased to 87% (thirteen of fifteen cases).3 In just seven years, Delaware had become the bankruptcy reorganization capital of the United States.4 Lynn LoPucki and Sara Kalin recently suggested that the Delaware bankruptcy court's spectacular success in winning market share may have been accompanied by an equally spectacular failure in the reorganizations that the court processed during those years.5 Their suggestion was based principally on an empirical finding that by February 2000, nine of the thirty companies (30%) emerging from bankruptcy reorganization in Delaware from 1991 to 1996 had filed bankruptcy a second time.6 Excluding New York-which had a refiling rate almost as high as Delaware's (23%)-only four of the seventy-five large, public companies (5%) emerging from bankruptcy in other courts during the same period filed a second time.7 LoPucki and Kalin's study made only a preliminary attempt to discover the reasons for Delaware's higher refiling rate. But, as their findings on the disparity of refiling rates gained wide publicity,8 bankruptcy scholars, lawyers, and judges offered a variety of possible explanations. Most of those explanations sought to exonerate the courts. Some argued that refiling is an inadequate measure of success, IMAGE FORMULA9 because it ignores distressed debtors that fail without refiling.9 Some argued that the firms filing in Delaware might have been more difficult to reorganize because they had more complex capital structures10 or more serious business problems.11 Others argued that Delaware's high refiling rate was economically efficient,12 implying that other courts should ease their standards and accept higher refiling rates. Still others argued that it was impossible to know whether Delaware was doing a worse job without knowing the individual reasons that each reorganization failed.13 This Article reports the results of a study designed to confirm that Delaware's and New York's higher refiling rates indicate higher failure rates and to begin the inquiry into the reasons for those higher failure rates. Part II describes the universe of cases studied, the sources of data, and the method by which the data were gathered. IMAGE FORMULA11 Part III describes four criteria for evaluating the success of reorganized firms and applies them to determine whether Delaware and New York reorganizations are less successful than reorganizations in other courts. Part III concludes that in the five years after emerging, Delaware- and New York-reorganized firms refiled more often, failed to perform their plans more often, suffered greater losses, and even went out of business due to financial distress more often. Part IV compares, on several criteria, the firms entering reorganization in Delaware and New York with those entering reorganization elsewhere but finds no reason to believe that the Delaware- or New York-reorganized firms differed in ways that made them more difficult to reorganize. Part V considers and rejects the claim that the two courts' high failure rates might be efficient. Part VI examines several differences in the bankruptcy process as it operates in Delaware, New York, and other courts, concluding that certain differences in Delaware's reorganization process appear to contribute to Delaware's high failure rates. Part VII offers some additional conclusions and speculations on other, as-yet-untested features of Delaware reorganization that might also contribute to Delaware's high failure rates. …
1990年以前,美国特拉华州破产法院是一潭死水。在20世纪80年代的整个十年里,凤凰钢铁公司——它唯一的工厂位于特拉华州——是唯一一家在特拉华州提交申请的大型上市公司1990年,两家大型上市公司——大陆航空公司(continental Airlines)和联合招商局(United Merchants and manufacturers)——在特拉华州提出申请。它们占当年在美国上市的29家大型上市公司的7%从1990年到1996年,特拉华州的市场份额稳步增长至87%(15例中有13例)4林恩·洛普基和萨拉·卡林最近提出,特拉华州破产法庭在赢得市场份额方面取得了惊人的成功,但伴随而来的可能是法院在这几年处理的重组中同样遭遇了惊人的失败他们的建议主要基于一项实证发现,即到2000年2月,特拉华州从1991年到1996年进行破产重组的30家公司中,有9家(30%)已经第二次申请破产除去纽约(其重新申请率几乎和特拉华州一样高(23%)),同期在其他法院破产的75家大型上市公司中,只有4家(5%)申请了第二次破产LoPucki和Kalin的研究只是初步尝试发现特拉华州高再申请率的原因。但是,随着他们关于重新申请率差异的发现得到广泛宣传,破产学者、律师和法官提出了各种可能的解释。这些解释大多试图为法院开脱罪名。有些人认为,重新申请是衡量成功的一个不充分的标准,因为它忽略了那些没有重新申请就破产的陷入困境的债务人一些人认为,在特拉华州申请破产保护的公司重组起来可能更困难,因为它们的资本结构更复杂,或者存在更严重的商业问题其他人则认为,特拉华州的高再申请率在经济上是有效的,这意味着其他法院应该放宽他们的标准,接受更高的再申请率。还有一些人认为,如果不知道每次重组失败的个别原因,就不可能知道特拉华州是否做得更糟本文报告了一项研究的结果,该研究旨在证实特拉华州和纽约州较高的重新申请率表明较高的失败率,并开始调查这些较高失败率的原因。第二部分描述了所研究的案例的范围、数据的来源以及收集数据的方法。第三部分描述了评估重组公司成功的四个标准,并应用它们来确定特拉华州和纽约州的重组是否比其他法院的重组更不成功。第三部分的结论是,在新成立后的5年里,特拉华州和纽约州重组的公司更频繁地进行重组,更频繁地未能执行计划,遭受更大的损失,甚至更频繁地因财务困境而倒闭。第四部分将特拉华州和纽约州进入重组的公司与其他地方进入重组的公司在若干标准上进行了比较,但没有发现理由相信特拉华州或纽约州重组的公司在重组方式上存在差异,从而使它们更难以重组。第五部分考虑并驳斥了两个法院的高失败率可能是有效的说法。第六部分考察了在特拉华州、纽约州和其他法院运作的破产程序中的几个差异,得出结论认为特拉华州重组过程中的某些差异似乎导致了特拉华州的高失败率。第七部分对特拉华州重组的其他尚未测试的特征提供了一些额外的结论和推测,这些特征也可能导致特拉华州的高失败率。…
期刊介绍:
Vanderbilt Law Review En Banc is an online forum designed to advance scholarly discussion. En Banc offers professors, practitioners, students, and others an opportunity to respond to articles printed in the Vanderbilt Law Review. En Banc permits extended discussion of our articles in a way that maintains academic integrity and provides authors with a quicker approach to publication. When reexamining a case “en banc” an appellate court operates at its highest level, with all judges present and participating “on the bench.” We chose the name “En Banc” to capture this spirit of focused review and provide a forum for further dialogue where all can be present and participate.