The Right to Vote on Taxes

IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
K. Stark
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

In recent years, several states have adopted so-called "Right to Vote on Taxes" initiatives - i.e., constitutional amendments requiring voter approval for any new or increased taxes imposed by local governments. In this Article, Professor Stark traces the history of these political developments and investigates the normative question of what role voter approval requirements should play within a fiscal constitution designed to limit the taxing powers of local governments. Advocates of a right to vote on taxes have premised their arguments on a libertarian concern for "taxpayer consent" - taxpayers themselves should have ultimate authority over their fiscal destiny. Yet even if one accepts taxpayer consent as a legitimate principle of fiscal governance, it is not clear that voter approval requirements advance that rationale, given the existing structure of the local tax base. Through an examination of the median voter's tax price for a variety of common local levies, Stark highlights those features of the local tax base that result in a divergence between those who vote on taxes and those who pay them. Where this divergence is substantial, the libertarian case for tax voting is the weakest. In order for the "taxpayer consent" rationale to have any traction, Stark argues that there must be a substantial correspondence between the population burdened by the tax and those who are empowered to vote does the libertarian. This analysis suggests a previously unexplored link between libertarian notions of taxpayer consent and an emerging literature in public finance economics concerning the optimal assignment of taxing authority to local governments. This literature has generally emphasized the efficiency gains from requiring local governments to rely primarily on taxes on their own residents, as opposed to source-based or other, more easily exportable taxes. Drawing on this literature, Stark argues for a new division of labor for the different types of tax limitation devices - if a state chooses to limit the taxing power of local governments, voter approval requirements should be used for residence-based taxes or the residential property tax, while alternative limitations may be more appropriate for those taxes with incidence effects that are less certain or more dispersed. Notably, California has adopted exactly the opposite approach, imposing direct limitations on the property tax and requiring voter approval for a variety of miscellaneous sales and business taxes. The Article then addresses the central normative question underlying the right to vote on taxes: even if the local tax structure could be reformulated in the manner suggested, should states adopt voter approval requirements for new or increased taxes? While recognizing the natural reluctance of liberal-minded scholars to endorse libertarian objectives, Stark suggests that there may nonetheless be value in pursuing a right to vote on taxes. To investigate this possibility, he develops a preliminary defense of tax voting that takes the idea beyond the libertarian rationale offered by its advocates. Drawing from recent political theory concerning deliberative and participatory democracy, Stark argues that involving voters directly in local tax decisions may help stimulate public debate regarding the allocation of local tax burdens. Again, however, the structure of the local tax base will likely play an important role in determining the extent to which these potential benefits will actually accrue. Taxes that local residents pay directly, such as the residential property tax or residence-based income taxes, may be more likely to stimulate popular participation and deliberation than those taxes whose economic effects are less certain or more dispersed. The Article concludes by suggesting that greater attention should be paid to the interplay between constitutional design and tax structure.
对税收的投票权
近年来,几个州采取了所谓的“税收投票权”倡议,即宪法修正案要求选民批准地方政府征收的任何新的或增加的税收。在这篇文章中,斯塔克教授追溯了这些政治发展的历史,并调查了选民批准要求在旨在限制地方政府征税权力的财政宪法中应发挥何种作用的规范性问题。倡导税收投票权的人把他们的论点建立在对“纳税人同意”的自由主义关切的基础上——纳税人自己应该对自己的财政命运拥有最终决定权。然而,即使接受纳税人同意作为财政治理的合法原则,考虑到当地税基的现有结构,也不清楚选民批准要求是否会推动这一基本原理。在这种分歧很大的地方,自由主义者支持税收投票的理由是最薄弱的。为了让“纳税人同意”的理论有任何牵引力,斯塔克认为,在受税收负担的人口和自由意志主义者赋予投票权的人口之间,必须有实质性的对应关系。这一分析表明,在纳税人同意的自由主义观念与公共财政经济学中有关税收权力向地方政府的最佳分配的新兴文献之间,存在一种以前未被探索的联系。这些文献普遍强调,要求地方政府主要依靠对本国居民的税收,而不是以来源为基础或其他更容易出口的税收,可以提高效率。根据这一文献,斯塔克主张对不同类型的税收限制手段进行新的分工——如果一个州选择限制地方政府的征税权力,则应将选民批准要求用于基于住宅的税收或住宅财产税,而替代限制可能更适合于那些具有不太确定或更分散的偶然性影响的税收。值得注意的是,加州采取了完全相反的做法,对财产税施加直接限制,并要求选民批准各种各样的销售税和营业税。然后,文章解决了税收投票权的核心规范性问题:即使地方税收结构可以按照建议的方式重新制定,各州是否应该对新税或增税采取选民批准的要求?虽然意识到自由主义学者自然不愿意支持自由主义目标,但斯塔克认为,追求税收投票权可能还是有价值的。为了调查这种可能性,他对税收投票进行了初步辩护,使其超越了其拥护者提供的自由主义理论基础。斯塔克从最近关于协商民主和参与式民主的政治理论中得出结论,认为让选民直接参与地方税收决策可能有助于激发有关地方税收负担分配的公众辩论。然而,地方税基的结构很可能在决定这些潜在利益实际积累的程度方面发挥重要作用。当地居民直接缴纳的税收,如住宅财产税或以住宅为基础的所得税,可能比那些经济影响不太确定或更分散的税收更有可能激发民众的参与和审议。文章最后建议,应更多地关注宪法设计与税收结构之间的相互作用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
10.50%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: The Northwestern University Law Review is a student-operated journal that publishes four issues of high-quality, general legal scholarship each year. Student editors make the editorial and organizational decisions and select articles submitted by professors, judges, and practitioners, as well as student pieces.
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