Structural Complexity of Popular Science Narratives of Discovery as an Indicator of Reader-Awareness: A Labov-Inspired Approach

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Olga A. Pilkington
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

1.IntroductionNarrative is a popular form of knowledge dissemination. In fact, some scholars (see, for example, Schank 1990; Gjedde 2000; Boyd 2009; Herman 2009) suggest that it is the preferred method for humans to acquire and process new information. It is no wonder that in recent decades such disciplines as communication of science to the public, philosophy of science, and science as culture have been paying increased attention to narratives and their ability to transfer complex scientific concepts to lay audiences. Narrative analysis of popular science contributes to the exploration of the language of popular science as a discourse category. Just as the languages of individual scientific disciplines can be seen as separate discourse categories (see, for example, Mackinnon 2010 for a discussion of the language of classical physics) or as the unified language of science, the language of popular science can be parsed into several discourses or analyzed as one. This study treats the language of popular science as a subsuming discourse category and suggests that the underlying narrative structure explored here is suitable for popularization of a variety of scientific disciplines.Recent studies (see, for example, Reitsma 2010; Blanchard et al. 2015; Hermwille 2016) demonstrate that the explanatory and contextualizing abilities of popular science narratives appeal not only to the science-minded laymen but also to the decision-making social power structures such as grant-providing agencies or policy-creating institutions. In that, popular science narratives have helped popular science to cross the boundaries of intellectual entertainment and become vital pieces of the technological and socio-economic spheres.While the awareness of the importance of narrative in communication of science is obvious, the linguistic insight into the structure of such narratives remains somewhat underdeveloped. Those who investigate popular science from the point of view of linguistics (see, for example, Moirand 2003; Myers 2003; Turney 2004; De Oliveira and Pagano 2006; Fu and Hyland 2014) tend to address either broad issues such as explanatory properties (see, for example, Turney 2004) or the general structure and effectiveness of a message (see, for example, Moirand 2003; Myers 2003). Others take a very narrow approach that addresses one specific linguistic issue (see, for example, De Oliveira and Pagano 2006 or Urbanova 2012 for analyses of discourse presentation; Fu and Hyland 2014 for exploration of interactional metadiscourse). General narratology usually regards scientific and popular scientific discourses as a side note (see, for example, Herman 2009).It might be tempting, in the circumstances, to propose a structural system that could account for and explicate popular science narratives and in the process introduce specific steps that successful narratives follow. Such a system would be equally useful for writers and for analysts who have to evaluate popular science narratives in order to make public policy decisions. However, as this article shows, there is no need to invent a new framework.In 1967, Labov and Waletzky introduced a structural framework for analyzing oral narratives of personal experience. In 1972, through a casestudy, Labov perfected this model. Since then numerous studies proved the applicability of the model to narratives other than those relating personal experiences. In fact, Labov's (1972) model (with modifications) has served as a springboard for structural analyses of literary narratives, narratives of children, and several types of personal narratives not examined by Labov (for example, see Peterson and McCabe 1983, Plum 1988, Berman 1997, Fleischman 1997, Baerger and McAdam 1999). So far, the value of the model has been in its universality; it is capable of exposing the underlying narrative structure of multiple text types. However, Labov's (1972) framework for narrative analysis can do more. …
作为读者意识指标的科普发现叙事的结构复杂性:labov启发的方法
1.叙述是一种流行的知识传播形式。事实上,一些学者(例如,参见Schank 1990;Gjedde 2000;博伊德2009;Herman 2009)表明,这是人类获取和处理新信息的首选方法。难怪近几十年来,诸如向公众传播科学、科学哲学和作为文化的科学等学科越来越关注叙事及其向外行人传递复杂科学概念的能力。科普的叙事分析有助于探索作为话语范畴的科普语言。正如单个科学学科的语言可以被视为单独的话语类别(例如,参见Mackinnon 2010年关于经典物理学语言的讨论)或作为科学的统一语言一样,通俗科学的语言可以被解析为几个话语或作为一个分析。本研究将科普语言视为一种包容的话语范畴,并认为本文探索的底层叙事结构适用于多种科学学科的科普。最近的研究(例如,参见Reitsma 2010;Blanchard et al. 2015;Hermwille 2016)表明,通俗科学叙事的解释和情境化能力不仅吸引了具有科学头脑的外行,也吸引了决策的社会权力结构,如拨款提供机构或政策制定机构。在这一点上,通俗科学叙事帮助通俗科学跨越了智力娱乐的界限,成为技术和社会经济领域的重要组成部分。虽然对叙事在科学传播中的重要性的认识是显而易见的,但对这种叙事结构的语言学洞察力仍然有些欠发达。那些从语言学的角度调查大众科学的人(例如,参见Moirand 2003;迈尔斯2003;特尼2004;De Oliveira和Pagano 2006;Fu和Hyland 2014)倾向于解决广义问题,如解释性属性(参见,例如,Turney 2004)或信息的一般结构和有效性(参见,例如,Moirand 2003;迈尔斯2003)。其他人则采取非常狭隘的方法来解决一个特定的语言问题(例如,参见De Oliveira和Pagano 2006或Urbanova 2012对话语呈现的分析;Fu and Hyland(2014)对互动元话语的探索)。一般叙事学通常将科学和大众科学话语视为旁注(例如,参见Herman 2009)。在这种情况下,提出一个可以解释和解释通俗科学叙事的结构体系,并在这个过程中引入成功叙事遵循的具体步骤,可能是很诱人的。这样一个系统对于作家和为了做出公共政策决定而不得不评估通俗科学叙事的分析人士同样有用。然而,正如本文所示,没有必要发明一个新的框架。1967年,Labov和Waletzky引入了一个分析个人经历口述的结构框架。1972年,通过一个案例研究,Labov完善了这个模型。从那时起,大量的研究证明了该模型对叙述的适用性,而不是与个人经历有关的叙述。事实上,Labov(1972)的模型(经过修改)已经成为对文学叙事、儿童叙事和Labov未研究的几种个人叙事进行结构分析的跳板(例如,参见Peterson and McCabe 1983, Plum 1988, Berman 1997, Fleischman 1997, Baerger and McAdam 1999)。到目前为止,该模型的价值在于它的普遍性;它能够揭示多种文本类型的潜在叙事结构。然而,Labov(1972)的叙事分析框架可以做得更多。…
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来源期刊
Linguistic and Philosophical Investigations
Linguistic and Philosophical Investigations Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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