{"title":"Judicial Power to Regulate Plea Bargaining","authors":"Darryl K. Brown","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2719909","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Plea bargaining in the United States is in critical respects unregulated, and a key reason is the marginal role to which judges have been relegated. In the wake of Santobello v. New York (1971), lower courts crafted Due Process doctrines through which they supervised the fairness of some aspects of the plea bargaining process. Within a decade, however, U.S. Supreme Court decisions began to shut down any constitutional basis for judicial supervision of plea negotiations or agreements. Those decisions rested primarily on two claims: separation of powers and the practical costs of regulating plea bargaining in busy criminal justice systems. Both rationales proved enormously influential. Legislative rulemaking and state courts both largely followed the Court in excluding judges — and in effect, the law — from any meaningful role.This article challenges these longstanding rationales. Historical practice suggests that separation of powers doctrine does not require the prevailing, exceedingly broad conception of “exclusive” executive control over charging and other components of the plea process. This is especially true in the states, many of which had long traditions of private prosecutors and judicial oversight over certain prosecution decisions, as well as different constitutional structures. By contrast, English courts — based on both common law and legislation — retain some power to review such decisions. Moreover, assertions that legal constraints on plea bargaining would fatally impair the “efficiency” of adjudication is belied by evidence of very high guilty plea rates both in England, where bargaining is more regulated, and in U.S. courts before the Supreme Court closed off meaningful grounds for judicial review.","PeriodicalId":75324,"journal":{"name":"William and Mary law review","volume":"57 1","pages":"1225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"William and Mary law review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2719909","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9
Abstract
Plea bargaining in the United States is in critical respects unregulated, and a key reason is the marginal role to which judges have been relegated. In the wake of Santobello v. New York (1971), lower courts crafted Due Process doctrines through which they supervised the fairness of some aspects of the plea bargaining process. Within a decade, however, U.S. Supreme Court decisions began to shut down any constitutional basis for judicial supervision of plea negotiations or agreements. Those decisions rested primarily on two claims: separation of powers and the practical costs of regulating plea bargaining in busy criminal justice systems. Both rationales proved enormously influential. Legislative rulemaking and state courts both largely followed the Court in excluding judges — and in effect, the law — from any meaningful role.This article challenges these longstanding rationales. Historical practice suggests that separation of powers doctrine does not require the prevailing, exceedingly broad conception of “exclusive” executive control over charging and other components of the plea process. This is especially true in the states, many of which had long traditions of private prosecutors and judicial oversight over certain prosecution decisions, as well as different constitutional structures. By contrast, English courts — based on both common law and legislation — retain some power to review such decisions. Moreover, assertions that legal constraints on plea bargaining would fatally impair the “efficiency” of adjudication is belied by evidence of very high guilty plea rates both in England, where bargaining is more regulated, and in U.S. courts before the Supreme Court closed off meaningful grounds for judicial review.
在美国,辩诉交易在关键方面是不受监管的,一个关键原因是法官被降级到边缘地位。在1971年的桑托贝罗诉纽约案(Santobello v. New York)之后,下级法院制定了正当程序原则,通过这些原则监督辩诉交易过程某些方面的公平性。然而,在十年之内,美国最高法院的判决开始关闭对认罪谈判或协议进行司法监督的任何宪法依据。这些决定主要基于两项主张:权力分立,以及在繁忙的刑事司法系统中监管辩诉交易的实际成本。事实证明,这两个理由都极具影响力。立法规则制定和州法院在很大程度上都遵循最高法院的做法,将法官——实际上是法律——排除在任何有意义的角色之外。本文对这些长期存在的理论提出了挑战。历史实践表明,三权分立原则并不需要现行的、极其宽泛的概念,即对指控和抗辩程序的其他组成部分实行“排他性”行政控制。这在各州尤其如此,其中许多州有着长期的私人检察官和司法监督某些起诉决定的传统,以及不同的宪法结构。相比之下,基于普通法和立法的英国法院保留了一些审查此类决定的权力。此外,辩诉交易受到法律限制会致命地损害裁决的“效率”的说法,在辩诉交易受到更严格监管的英国,以及在最高法院关闭有意义的司法审查理由之前的美国法院,认罪率都非常高的证据都证明是错误的。