Public Choice Theory and Occupational Licensing

IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW
Paul J. Larkin, Jr.
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Occupational licensing is now one of the most widespread and fastest growing forms of labor market regulation. Occupational licensing requirement generally are defended on the ground that they offset the information disparity between service providers and consumers by guaranteeing a minimal level of qualifications. Over time, however, a large number of federal government officials, scholars, and commentators have criticized the widespread use of occupational licensing requirements. They have argued that licensing requirements benefit licensees, not consumers, by helping to create a cartel that can avoid competition and raise prices. Public Choice Theory is a useful tool for analyzing licensing requirements because it applies microeconomic and game theory to the political process. Doing so gives rise to the remarkable irony that the justification for regulation has come full circle. Originally, the rationale was that government intervention would remedy economic market failures in furtherance of the public interest. Today, we see that government intervention causes political market failures in furtherance of private interests. Government has become the problem, not the solution. That conclusion justifies a re-examination of the constitutionality of many occupational licensing schemes. Then Supreme Court has been unwilling to re-examine the constitutionality of these programs since the new Deal, but there are two grounds that might prove useful. One is the Equal Protection Clause. It requires a rational basis for treating similarly situated people differently. Here, the argument would be that the basis for requiring licenses is due to the operation of political bribery and extortion, which is not a legitimate state interest. The second argument would be that many license schemes vest lawmaking authority in private parties, which the Private Delegation Doctrine forbids.
公共选择理论与职业许可
职业许可现在是劳动力市场监管中最广泛和发展最快的形式之一。一般来说,职业许可要求的辩护理由是,它们通过保证最低水平的资格来抵消服务提供者和消费者之间的信息差距。然而,随着时间的推移,大量的联邦政府官员、学者和评论家批评了职业许可要求的广泛使用。他们认为,许可要求有利于被许可人,而不是消费者,因为它有助于形成一个可以避免竞争和提高价格的卡特尔。公共选择理论是分析许可要求的有用工具,因为它将微观经济学和博弈论应用于政治过程。这样做带来了一个显著的讽刺:监管的正当性又兜了一圈。最初,其基本原理是政府干预将弥补经济市场失灵,促进公众利益。今天,我们看到政府干预在促进私人利益的过程中导致了政治市场失灵。政府成了问题,而不是解决方案。这一结论为重新审查许多职业许可制度的合宪性提供了理由。自新政以来,最高法院一直不愿重新审查这些项目的合宪性,但有两个理由可能证明是有用的。一是平等保护条款。它需要一个理性的基础来区别对待处境相似的人。这里的论点是,要求许可证的依据是由于政治贿赂和敲诈勒索的运作,这不是合法的国家利益。第二个论点是,许多许可计划将立法权授予私人团体,这是私人授权原则所禁止的。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: The Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy is published three times annually by the Harvard Society for Law & Public Policy, Inc., an organization of Harvard Law School students. The Journal is one of the most widely circulated student-edited law reviews and the nation’s leading forum for conservative and libertarian legal scholarship. The late Stephen Eberhard and former Senator and Secretary of Energy E. Spencer Abraham founded the journal twenty-eight years ago and many journal alumni have risen to prominent legal positions in the government and at the nation’s top law firms.
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