Putting Guantanamo in the Rear-View Mirror: The Political Economy of Detention Policy

Peter S. Margulies
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

National security policy often emerges in the signals presidents send. The Bush administration’s establishment of a detention camp at Guantanamo signaled a unilateralist bent and an impatience with the processes undergirding American law. President Obama’s announcement that he would close Guantanamo within a year underlined a contrast with the predilections of his predecessor. However, the new administration was not prepared for the resulting backlash in Congress. Ironically, the Bush administration’s travails and the Obama administration’s early stumble had something in common: in each case, officials failed to signal that they understood the interaction of three factors: efficiency, equity, and accuracy. Efficiency and accuracy present the most telling trade-off. Bush officials valued Guantanamo as a convenient site where they could detain and interrogate suspected terrorists with minimal interference. However, they unduly discounted the risk of false positives - detainees who actually posed no danger. Obama reframed efficiency to encompass the global good will that Bush had disdained. However, despite Obama’s fine intentions, many in Congress read his one-year deadline as a signal that he had not reckoned with the risk of false negatives - released detainees who posed a real danger to the United States. President Obama has since adjusted his course, outlining a three-pronged strategy for promoting accuracy including federal criminal trials, military commissions, and detention under the laws of war. Congress has signaled greater inclination to work with the President. However, congressional restrictions on the transfer of detainees to the United States reflect lingering anxiety. This Article discusses the virtues of the President’s approach, while arguing that aspects of the approach such as allowance of hearsay evidence echo the Bush administration’s neglect of false positives. In addition, the Article analyzes solutions for the equity issues raised by detainee stateside transfers, including creating a bipartisan Commission that could recommend dispersion rules limiting any one state’s share of detainees. It concludes that courts should uphold much of the President’s program, while limiting hearsay evidence and charges before military commissions. Courts should also broaden access to habeas corpus to include detainees at other sites such as Bagram air base. Moreover, a congressionally established Commission implementing dispersion rules could address equity issues while defusing political influences such as the “Not in My Backyard” (NIMBY) syndrome.
把关塔那摩关在后视镜里:拘留政策的政治经济学
国家安全政策常常出现在总统发出的信号中。布什政府在关塔那摩设立拘留营表明了其单边主义倾向和对美国法律基础进程的不耐烦。奥巴马总统宣布他将在一年内关闭关塔那摩,这与他的前任的偏好形成了鲜明对比。然而,新政府并没有准备好面对国会的强烈反对。具有讽刺意味的是,布什政府的痛苦和奥巴马政府早期的挫折有一些共同点:在每一个案例中,官员们都没有表明他们理解三个因素的相互作用:效率、公平和准确性。效率和准确性是最能说明问题的权衡。布什政府官员认为关塔那摩是一个方便的地方,在那里他们可以拘留和审讯恐怖分子嫌疑人,而不受干扰。然而,他们过分低估了误报的风险——那些实际上不构成危险的被拘留者。奥巴马重新定义了效率,以涵盖布什所蔑视的全球善意。然而,尽管奥巴马的意图是好的,国会中的许多人认为他提出的一年期限是一个信号,表明他没有考虑到假阴性的风险——释放对美国构成真正危险的被拘留者。自那以后,奥巴马总统调整了路线,提出了提高准确性的三管齐下的战略,包括联邦刑事审判、军事委员会和战争法下的拘留。国会表示更倾向于与总统合作。然而,国会对将在押人员转移到美国的限制反映出挥之不去的焦虑。本文讨论了总统方法的优点,同时认为该方法的某些方面,如允许传闻证据,与布什政府对误报的忽视相呼应。此外,文章还分析了在美国境内转移在押人员所引起的公平问题的解决方案,包括建立一个两党委员会,可以建议分散规则,限制任何一个州的在押人员份额。它的结论是,法院应该支持总统的大部分计划,同时限制传闻证据和军事委员会的指控。法院还应扩大人身保护令的适用范围,使其包括巴格拉姆空军基地等其他地点的被拘留者。此外,一个由国会设立的执行分散规则的委员会可以解决公平问题,同时消除诸如“不要在我的后院”(邻避)综合症等政治影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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