The Constitutional Limitation on Trademark Propertization

Patrick J. Karol
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

The following article seeks to apply the retrenchment in constitutional Commerce Clause jurisprudence of the last few decades to the phenomenon of trademark propertization, the expansive and largely federal movement towards protecting trademarks as assets apart from any connection to referent goods and services. Trademark scholars have filled the trademarks literature with critiques of propertization that generally object, on policy and historical grounds, to the trend and offer constructions of the Lanham Act designed to check its progress. With the notable exception of an article published in 2000 by Professor Kenneth Port, however, the literature has largely avoided addressing the question of whether the United States Congress possesses the authority to push trademark law so far in that direction.Building off of Barton Beebe’s semiotic account of trademark law, the article observes that much of the Commerce Clause case law in the trademark space is muddied by the failure to draw an analytic distinction between the trademark as such (i.e., the trademark’s signifier) and the goods and services with which it is used. Moreover, many of the seminal cases in the area predate such important new contributions to Commerce Clause jurisprudence as United States v. Lopez, Gonzalez v. Raich and even last year’s health care decision, National Federation of Independent Business v. Sibelius.Upon close review of these and other recent precedents, and a thorough application of contemporary, three-category Commerce Clause analysis to trademark propertization, the article concludes that there is, and should be, a firm constitutional limit to Congresses’ ability to regulate trademark signifiers detached from goods and services. Namely, Congress may not recognize or protect a property interest in trademarks as such except as a rational means of furthering the regulation of referent goods or services. Although distant and unreachable in most cases, this constitutional ceiling serves as a critical constructional limit on certain controversial trademark doctrines like dilution and the rule against assignments in gross, and prevents the U.S. Congress from ever recognizing pure trademarks in the abstract as property upon creation. Although a complete defense of trademark “localism” is outside of the article’s scope, it ends by offering some basic policy and structural justifications for accepting this limit on federal authority in the trademark sphere.
商标财产化的宪法限制
以下文章试图将过去几十年宪法商业条款判例的紧缩应用于商标财产化现象,即将商标作为资产保护,而不与相关商品和服务有任何联系的广泛和主要的联邦运动。商标学者在商标文献中充斥着对财产化的批评,这些批评基于政策和历史的理由,普遍反对这一趋势,并提供了旨在检查其进展的《兰哈姆法》的构建。然而,除了Kenneth Port教授在2000年发表的一篇文章之外,文献在很大程度上避免了解决美国国会是否有权将商标法推向这个方向的问题。在Barton Beebe对商标法的符号学解释的基础上,本文观察到,由于未能在商标本身(即商标的能指)与使用商标的商品和服务之间进行分析区分,商标领域的许多《商业条款》判例法都变得模糊不清。此外,该领域的许多开创性案例早于对商业条款法学做出重要新贡献的案例,如美国诉洛佩兹案、冈萨雷斯诉莱希案,甚至是去年的医疗保健裁决,即全国独立企业联合会诉西贝柳斯案。在仔细审查这些和其他最近的先例,并将当代的三类商业条款分析彻底应用于商标财产化之后,本文得出结论认为,国会对脱离商品和服务的商标能指进行监管的能力存在而且应该存在严格的宪法限制。也就是说,国会不得承认或保护商标本身的财产利益,除非将其作为促进对相关商品或服务的监管的合理手段。尽管在大多数情况下,这一宪法上限遥不可及,但对于某些有争议的商标原则,如稀释和反对总体转让的规则,这一宪法上限起到了关键的结构性限制作用,并阻止了美国国会承认抽象的纯粹商标是创造时的财产。虽然对商标“地方主义”的完整辩护超出了本文的范围,但本文最后提供了一些基本的政策和结构理由,以接受对商标领域联邦权力的这种限制。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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