The Fall and Rise of Specialized Federal Constitutional Courts

Michael E. Solimine
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Most constitutional challenges in federal court to federal statutes are litigated in the familiar pattern of a decision by a single U.S. District judge, followed by an appeal to a three-judge panel of one of the U.S. Court of Appeals, followed by the filing of a writ of certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, which has discretion to grant or deny the writ. Sometimes, however, Congress requires a separate path for constitutional challenges to particular federal statutes, with the frequent challenges to provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, such as in Citizens United v. FEC (2010), being a notable example. These provisions often provide for the convening of a three-judge district court, usually in the District of Columbia, followed by an ostensibly mandatory appeal to the Supreme Court. They often also permit members of Congress to bring or intervene in such actions, and mandate that the federal courts decide the cases in an expeditious manner. All of these characteristics are absent from the typical challenge to federal statutes.These atypical jurisdictional provisions in effect establish specialized if temporary federal courts to rule on constitutional issues. The causes and consequences of specialized federal constitutional courts are an understudied phenomenon in the scholarly literature, a gap filled by this article. The article first summarizes the history of the three-judge district court, founded to consider all constitutional challenges to federal statutes, from its establishment in 1937 to its repeal in 1976. It next documents the instances when Congress has subsequently created such courts on a statute-specific basis, and addresses the rationales advanced in the legislative history, namely, uncertainty over a statute’s constitutionality, and the asserted need to promptly resolve that issue. The article then subjects the partial revival of such courts to critical examination. It argues that a complex and sometimes inconsistent set of reasons, including but not limited to Congressional abdication of constitutional deliberation to the judicial branch, explains the ad hoc adoption of these statutes. The article argues that other provisions of these laws, such as mandating venue in the District of Columbia or expeditious treatment, are unnecessary. Finally, it contends that cases litigated before these courts have a possibly deleterious impact on the quality of decisions in the Supreme Court. The article concludes that Congress should not pass these statutes and rather permit all constitutional litigation to proceed in a uniform manner.
联邦专门宪法法院的兴衰
联邦法院对联邦法规的大多数宪法挑战都是按照一种熟悉的模式进行的,即由一名美国地区法官作出裁决,然后向美国上诉法院的一个由三名法官组成的小组提出上诉,然后向美国最高法院提交调卷令,最高法院有权批准或拒绝该令状。然而,有时国会要求对特定联邦法规的宪法挑战采取单独的途径,如对《两党竞选改革法案》条款的频繁挑战,如公民联合诉联邦选举委员会(2010),就是一个显著的例子。这些条款通常规定召集一个由三名法官组成的地区法院,通常在哥伦比亚特区,然后向最高法院提出表面上强制性的上诉。他们通常还允许国会议员提起或干预此类诉讼,并授权联邦法院迅速裁决这些案件。所有这些特征都不存在于对联邦法规的典型挑战中。这些非典型的司法规定实际上建立了专门的(如果是临时的)联邦法院来裁决宪法问题。专门的联邦宪法法院的起因和后果在学术文献中是一个研究不足的现象,这篇文章填补了这一空白。本文首先概述了这个由三名法官组成的地区法院从1937年成立到1976年废除的历史。该法院的成立是为了审理所有对联邦法规提出的宪法挑战。接下来,它记录了国会后来在特定法规的基础上建立这样的法院的实例,并解决了立法历史上提出的理由,即法规合宪性的不确定性,以及声称需要迅速解决这一问题。然后,文章对这些法院的部分恢复进行了批判性审查。它认为,一系列复杂的、有时不一致的原因,包括但不限于国会将宪法审议权移交给司法部门,解释了这些法规的临时通过。该条认为,这些法律的其他规定,如强制在哥伦比亚特区进行审判或迅速处理,是不必要的。最后,它认为,在这些法院提起诉讼的案件可能对最高法院判决的质量产生有害影响。该条的结论是,国会不应通过这些法规,而应允许所有宪法诉讼以统一的方式进行。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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