The Partisanship Spectrum

Justin Levitt
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In a polarized political environment, allegations of excessive partisanship by public actors are ubiquitous. Commentators, courts, and activists levy and process these allegations daily. But with remarkable consistency, they do so as if “partisanship” described a single phenomenon. This piece recognizes, for the first time, that the default mode of understanding is a descriptive and diagnostic failure, with meaningful consequences. Partisanship is not an “it,” but a “those.”Without a robust conceptualization of partisanship, it is difficult to treat pathologies of partisan governance. Indeed, it is difficult to distinguish the features from the bugs in our political system. Moreover, the failure to understand the multifarious nature of partisanship impairs our ability to assess how to best confront the partisanship we care about most, particularly in electoral regulation.In particular, most observers attempt to further or constrain partisanship through substantive rules and structural design. But parsing the spectrum of partisanship shows that these tools are neither necessary nor sufficient to address partisanship in its most disparaged forms. Conversely, analysts have failed to appreciate the power of strong situational norms to accomplish these ends. Because norms are socially constructed, our discourse about partisanship matters — and we are likely getting the discourse very wrong.This piece attempts to flesh out the distinctions that have been heretofore elided. It develops a typology of partisanship, and then engages that conceptual structure to assess the various tools by which forms of partisanship — including the most pernicious portions of the partisan structure — may be addressed.
党派光谱
在一个两极化的政治环境中,对公共行为者过度党派偏见的指控无处不在。评论员、法院和活动人士每天都在收集和处理这些指控。但是,他们这样做有着惊人的一致性,就好像“党派之争”描述了一种单一的现象。这篇文章第一次认识到,默认的理解模式是一种描述性和诊断性的失败,其后果是有意义的。党派关系不是一个“它”,而是一个“那些”。如果没有一个强有力的党派关系概念,就很难治疗党派治理的病态。事实上,很难区分我们政治制度的特点和缺陷。此外,未能理解党派之争的多样性,削弱了我们评估如何最好地面对我们最关心的党派之争的能力,尤其是在选举监管方面。特别是,大多数观察员试图通过实质性规则和结构设计来进一步或限制党派关系。但是,分析党派关系的范围表明,这些工具既没有必要,也不足以解决党派关系最被贬低的形式。相反,分析人士未能认识到强大的情境规范在实现这些目标方面的力量。因为规范是社会建构的,我们关于党派关系的论述很重要——而且我们的论述很可能是非常错误的。这篇文章试图充实迄今为止被忽略的区别。它发展了党派关系的类型学,然后利用这个概念结构来评估各种工具,通过这些工具可以解决党派关系的形式——包括党派结构中最有害的部分。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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