How Congress Should Fix Personal Jurisdiction

IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
Stephen E. Sachs
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Personal jurisdiction is a mess, and only Congress can fix it. Courts have sought a single doctrine that simultaneously guarantees convenience for plaintiffs, fairness for defendants, and legitimate authority for the tribunal. With these goals in conflict, each new fact pattern has pulled precedent in a different direction, robbing litigants of certainty and blunting the force of our substantive law. Solving the problem starts with reframing it. Rather than ask where a case may be heard, we should ask who may hear it. If the parties are from the same state, that state's courts are open. If not, the federal courts are. But today's law, thinking about places instead of persons, sows unnecessary confusion by obliging federal courts to follow state jurisdictional rules. This is a mistake, and something we can change. Following the invitation of a recent Supreme Court plurality, this Article suggests a system of nationwide federal personal jurisdiction, relieving federal courts of their jurisdictional dependence on state borders. In a federal forum, the court usually has undoubted authority over the parties--whose convenience can be addressed through well-crafted venue rules, backstopped by due process guarantees. Because our procedural rules have grown up in dependence on state jurisdiction, the Article goes on to draft legislative language addressing the new system's consequences for venue, choice of law, appeal rights, and other related issues. The Article's goal isn't to defend one specific proposal, but to encourage a variety of new proposals and, eventually, to change the direction of the debate. Scholars should spend more time thinking about the jurisdictional rules we would write for ourselves--which the Constitution actually lets us do, at least for federal courts. Only Congress can fix personal jurisdiction; we should start telling it how.
国会应如何修正属人管辖权
属人管辖权一团糟,只有国会才能解决。法院寻求一种单一的原则,同时保证原告的便利、被告的公平和法庭的合法权威。由于这些目标相互冲突,每一种新的事实模式都将先例拉向不同的方向,剥夺了诉讼当事人的确定性,削弱了我们实体法的力量。解决问题要从重新构建问题开始。我们不应该问一个案件可能在哪里审理,而应该问谁可能审理。如果当事人来自同一个州,那么该州的法院是开放的。如果不是,联邦法院就是。但是今天的法律,考虑的是地点而不是人,通过强制联邦法院遵循州管辖规则,播下了不必要的混乱。这是个错误,是我们可以改变的。在最近最高法院多数裁决的邀请下,本条建议建立一种全国性的联邦属人管辖权制度,使联邦法院的管辖权不再依赖于州界。在联邦法庭上,法院通常对当事人拥有无可置疑的权威——当事人的便利可以通过精心设计的地点规则来解决,并得到正当程序保证的支持。由于我们的程序规则是在依赖于州管辖权的情况下发展起来的,因此该条款接着起草了立法语言,以解决新制度对诉讼地点、法律选择、上诉权和其他相关问题的影响。这篇文章的目的不是为某一个具体的提案辩护,而是鼓励各种各样的新提案,并最终改变辩论的方向。学者们应该花更多的时间思考我们将为自己制定的司法规则——宪法实际上允许我们这样做,至少对联邦法院来说是这样。只有国会才能确定属人管辖权;我们应该开始告诉它怎么做。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
10.50%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: The Northwestern University Law Review is a student-operated journal that publishes four issues of high-quality, general legal scholarship each year. Student editors make the editorial and organizational decisions and select articles submitted by professors, judges, and practitioners, as well as student pieces.
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