Socioeconomic Rights in the Indian Constitution: Toward A Broader Conception of Legitimacy

R. Abeyratne
{"title":"Socioeconomic Rights in the Indian Constitution: Toward A Broader Conception of Legitimacy","authors":"R. Abeyratne","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2189277","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Indian Constitution contains “Directive Principles of State Policy” that require the state to pursue socioeconomic justice. In contrast to justiciable fundamental rights, these principles are explicitly non-justiciable, and the Constitution’s framers intended them to guide elected representatives towards improving socioeconomic conditions. However, the Indian Supreme Court has held that the right to life in Article 21 of the Constitution should be read more broadly to encompass a “right to live with dignity.” The Court has relied on this interpretation to make many Directive Principles justiciable, including rights to food and education. Much scholarship has been devoted to the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence in this area, focusing mostly on the judiciary’s role in democratic government. These works either criticize the Court for “judicial activism” or applaud it for proactively defending the rights of the poor and marginalized.This Article analyzes socioeconomic rights in India from a social contractarian perspective, which illuminates a neglected aspect of this debate. While addressing concerns of judicial overreach, the Article argues that the Supreme Court’s reasoning for locating justiciable socioeconomic rights in the Indian Constitution raises a more fundamental concern: it threatens the Constitution’s legitimacy. The Court’s reasoning is vague and non-transparent, which prevents rational and reasonable citizens from knowing with any clarity or conviction what the Constitution requires in the realm of socioeconomic justice. Thus, drawing on Rawls’s concept of public reason, citizens might not agree to be governed by the Constitution, which then loses its legitimacy as a basis for democratic political rule. The Article aims to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, it surveys Indian constitutional history to distinguish between procedural changes that may lead to judicial overreach and interference in representative government, and substantive changes in the law – such as the widening interpretation of Article 21 – that detract from the Constitution’s legitimacy. Second, and more broadly, the Article moves past the notion that a legitimate constitutional system simply requires acceptable institutional arrangements and desirable political outcomes. A legitimate system also requires that public institutions, particularly the Supreme Court, present clear and transparent reasons for their decisions, accessible to all citizens in light of their common reason.","PeriodicalId":80748,"journal":{"name":"Brooklyn journal of international law","volume":"39 1","pages":"1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2189277","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Brooklyn journal of international law","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2189277","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9

Abstract

The Indian Constitution contains “Directive Principles of State Policy” that require the state to pursue socioeconomic justice. In contrast to justiciable fundamental rights, these principles are explicitly non-justiciable, and the Constitution’s framers intended them to guide elected representatives towards improving socioeconomic conditions. However, the Indian Supreme Court has held that the right to life in Article 21 of the Constitution should be read more broadly to encompass a “right to live with dignity.” The Court has relied on this interpretation to make many Directive Principles justiciable, including rights to food and education. Much scholarship has been devoted to the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence in this area, focusing mostly on the judiciary’s role in democratic government. These works either criticize the Court for “judicial activism” or applaud it for proactively defending the rights of the poor and marginalized.This Article analyzes socioeconomic rights in India from a social contractarian perspective, which illuminates a neglected aspect of this debate. While addressing concerns of judicial overreach, the Article argues that the Supreme Court’s reasoning for locating justiciable socioeconomic rights in the Indian Constitution raises a more fundamental concern: it threatens the Constitution’s legitimacy. The Court’s reasoning is vague and non-transparent, which prevents rational and reasonable citizens from knowing with any clarity or conviction what the Constitution requires in the realm of socioeconomic justice. Thus, drawing on Rawls’s concept of public reason, citizens might not agree to be governed by the Constitution, which then loses its legitimacy as a basis for democratic political rule. The Article aims to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, it surveys Indian constitutional history to distinguish between procedural changes that may lead to judicial overreach and interference in representative government, and substantive changes in the law – such as the widening interpretation of Article 21 – that detract from the Constitution’s legitimacy. Second, and more broadly, the Article moves past the notion that a legitimate constitutional system simply requires acceptable institutional arrangements and desirable political outcomes. A legitimate system also requires that public institutions, particularly the Supreme Court, present clear and transparent reasons for their decisions, accessible to all citizens in light of their common reason.
印度宪法中的社会经济权利:走向更广泛的合法性概念
印度宪法包含“国家政策指导原则”,要求国家追求社会经济正义。与可予审理的基本权利相比,这些原则显然是不可予审理的,宪法的制定者旨在指导民选代表改善社会经济条件。然而,印度最高法院认为,《宪法》第21条中的生命权应该被更广泛地解读为包括“有尊严地生活的权利”。法院依靠这一解释使许多指导原则具有可诉性,包括食物权和受教育权。关于最高法院在这一领域的法理学,有很多学术研究,主要集中在司法机构在民主政府中的作用。这些作品要么批评法院的“司法激进主义”,要么赞扬它积极捍卫穷人和边缘化群体的权利。本文从社会契约论的角度分析了印度的社会经济权利,揭示了这一争论中被忽视的一个方面。在解决司法越权问题的同时,文章认为,最高法院在印度宪法中定位可诉社会经济权利的推理引发了一个更根本的问题:它威胁到宪法的合法性。法院的推理是模糊和不透明的,这使理性和理性的公民无法清楚地或确信宪法在社会经济正义领域的要求。因此,根据罗尔斯的公共理性概念,公民可能不同意受宪法的支配,从而失去其作为民主政治统治基础的合法性。本文旨在对现有文献做出两点贡献。首先,它考察了印度宪法的历史,以区分可能导致司法越权和干预代议制政府的程序变化,以及法律上的实质性变化——比如对第21条的扩大解释——这些变化削弱了宪法的合法性。其次,更广泛地说,该条超越了一个概念,即合法的宪法制度只需要可接受的制度安排和可取的政治结果。一个合法的制度还要求公共机构,特别是最高法院,为其决定提出明确和透明的理由,所有公民都可以根据其共同的理由获得这些理由。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信
小红书