Making Law with Lawsuits: Understanding Judicial Review in Campaign Finance Policy

R. Curry
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Campaign finance law presents quite a puzzle: it is an area of federal policy very closely tied to the interests of incumbents in the political branches, and yet it is controlled to a great extent by unelected federal court judges. While we tend to assume that First Amendment considerations drive judicial review here, scholars have yet to account for political leaders’ decisions to establish federal court jurisdiction in the first place, allowing lawsuits that either challenge or enforce the law. Can it be that Congress went to great lengths to write statutes regulating the use of money in elections, but had nothing to say about how and to what extent courts would review the law? This article examines the role of political leaders in judicializing campaign finance policy. In a survey of nearly a century of law, and in a close analysis of the legislative record, I make a number of surprising findings. I discover that there has been great variation in judicial review over this history and that it correlates directly with the choices activists and political leaders have made to mobilize legal institutions in the making of campaign finance policy. Moreover, I find that political leaders have maintained the upper hand in this: where the efforts of independent policy activists ran counter to their interests (as they did for a brief period prior to Watergate), legislators quickly changed jurisdiction rules to foreclose the groups’ access to federal courts. But, even as they restricted public interest litigation in the field, legislators actually moved to judicialize the policy still more – and continued to do so even after the Supreme Court substantially altered the law with its Buckley v. Valeo ruling. In fact, from 1974 onward, the judiciary’s power to interpret, enforce and, ultimately, remake policy has been deliberately delegated to it by Congress. This history reveals that campaign finance reform has long been a process of making law with lawsuits, where courts enjoy significant discretion to revise policy not primarily because of their own activism, but because political leaders have given them the job.
以诉讼立法:对竞选财务政策司法审查的理解
竞选财务法提出了一个相当令人困惑的问题:这是一个与政治部门现任者的利益密切相关的联邦政策领域,但它在很大程度上受到未经选举的联邦法院法官的控制。虽然我们倾向于认为,第一修正案的考虑推动了司法审查,但学者们尚未解释政治领导人首先决定建立联邦法院管辖权,允许挑战或执行法律的诉讼。会不会是国会花了大力气制定法规来规范选举中的金钱使用,却对法院如何以及在多大程度上审查法律只字未提?本文考察了政治领导人在竞选财政政策司法化中的作用。在对近一个世纪的法律进行调查和对立法记录进行仔细分析后,我得出了许多令人惊讶的发现。我发现,在这段历史中,司法审查有很大的变化,这与活动家和政治领导人在制定竞选资金政策时动员法律机构的选择直接相关。此外,我发现政治领导人在这方面一直占据上风:当独立政策活动人士的努力与他们的利益背道而驰时(就像水门事件发生前的一段短暂时期一样),立法者迅速改变了司法规则,禁止这些团体诉诸联邦法院。但是,即使他们限制了该领域的公益诉讼,立法者实际上还是进一步将该政策司法化了——甚至在最高法院通过巴克利诉法雷奥案对法律进行了实质性修改之后,立法者仍在继续这样做。事实上,从1974年起,司法部门解释、执行并最终重新制定政策的权力就被国会有意授权给了它。这段历史表明,竞选资金改革长期以来一直是一个通过诉讼制定法律的过程,法院在修改政策方面享有很大的自由裁量权,主要不是因为它们自己的行动主义,而是因为政治领导人给了它们这项工作。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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