{"title":"Building a New Identity: Race, Gangs, and Violence in California Prisons","authors":"Dale Noll","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2015679","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The California Prison system is notorious for its highly racialized environment. A history of numerous instances of prison violence - labeled as 'race riots' - paints a picture of a system where inmates of different races require segregation to prevent brutal beatings, murders, and rapes. For example, following an incident deemed a 'race riot' at the California Correctional Training Facility, North prison, prison officials locked 300 inmates in isolation until inmates complained that their Eighth Amendment and Due Process rights were violated. In 2000, the Pelican Bay State Prison locked down a portion of the prison following a riot, presumed to be racially motivated, involving 300 inmates. In August, 2009, 1,175 inmates were involved in a riot that officials deemed 'stemmed from racial tensions,' in which 249 inmates were injured and seven dorm units, holding 1,300 beds, were destroyed at the California Institution for Men in Chino, California. The media and prison officials point to events similar to these as evidence that California prisons are racially charged. Jurisprudence has traditionally left prison segregation practices to a relaxed standard of review for Equal Protection suits, allowing California prison officials to segregate inmates according to race in double-occupancy cells. Justice Antonin Scalia, in Richmond v. J.A. Croson, wrote 'only a social emergency rising to the level of imminent danger to life and limb - for example, a prison race riot, requiring temporary segregation of inmates . . . can justify an exception to the principle embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment that ‘our Constitution is colorblind.' This viewpoint is consistent with Justice Thomas’s recommended relaxed standard and judicial deference to prison officials who oversee 'prisons that have been a breeding ground for some of the most violent prison gangs in America - all of them organized along racial lines.' Reports of riots, popular movies, and prior court opinions suggest this prison system’s prior practice of initial racial segregating of inmates was a reaction to the racial prejudices and intolerances inmates brought with them to prison. Alternatively, it suggests inmates develop prejudices through prison interactions. This concept led to the practice of segregation in initial housing of inmates. As inmates were introduced to the California prison system, they were placed in cells with inmates according to race or ethnicity.In 2005, the Supreme Court changed the standard to be applied in cases of racial segregation at prisons. In Johnson v. California, Justice O’Connor’s majority held that the proper standard of review was 'strict scrutiny' because the prior deferential standard too easily defended 'rank discrimination' and remanded the case back to the district court for review. The California Department of Corrections ('CDC') at that point settled with the plaintiff, Garrison Johnson, and began implementing policies to eliminate the use of race as a primary factor in initially segregating inmates as they are processed into prisons. The thesis of this article is that while the CDC claims its policies regarding initial housing in double-occupancy cells focused on separating members of conflicting gangs, in practice it segregated inmates coming into the men’s prison system by perceived race. Research has shown that racial segregation in prisons increases inmate violence, which has the effect of increasing inmate sentences. In California, where inmate populations are disproportionately Black and Latino, this practice, questioned in the courts, is only one example of the segregation existing throughout the prison system. By carefully integrating all inmate cells and eliminating the policy allowing inmates to select their own double-occupancy cell partner, California will experience less violence within the prison, thereby reducing prison sentences.","PeriodicalId":83419,"journal":{"name":"University of Miami law review","volume":"66 1","pages":"847"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2011-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"11","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"University of Miami law review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2015679","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 11
Abstract
The California Prison system is notorious for its highly racialized environment. A history of numerous instances of prison violence - labeled as 'race riots' - paints a picture of a system where inmates of different races require segregation to prevent brutal beatings, murders, and rapes. For example, following an incident deemed a 'race riot' at the California Correctional Training Facility, North prison, prison officials locked 300 inmates in isolation until inmates complained that their Eighth Amendment and Due Process rights were violated. In 2000, the Pelican Bay State Prison locked down a portion of the prison following a riot, presumed to be racially motivated, involving 300 inmates. In August, 2009, 1,175 inmates were involved in a riot that officials deemed 'stemmed from racial tensions,' in which 249 inmates were injured and seven dorm units, holding 1,300 beds, were destroyed at the California Institution for Men in Chino, California. The media and prison officials point to events similar to these as evidence that California prisons are racially charged. Jurisprudence has traditionally left prison segregation practices to a relaxed standard of review for Equal Protection suits, allowing California prison officials to segregate inmates according to race in double-occupancy cells. Justice Antonin Scalia, in Richmond v. J.A. Croson, wrote 'only a social emergency rising to the level of imminent danger to life and limb - for example, a prison race riot, requiring temporary segregation of inmates . . . can justify an exception to the principle embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment that ‘our Constitution is colorblind.' This viewpoint is consistent with Justice Thomas’s recommended relaxed standard and judicial deference to prison officials who oversee 'prisons that have been a breeding ground for some of the most violent prison gangs in America - all of them organized along racial lines.' Reports of riots, popular movies, and prior court opinions suggest this prison system’s prior practice of initial racial segregating of inmates was a reaction to the racial prejudices and intolerances inmates brought with them to prison. Alternatively, it suggests inmates develop prejudices through prison interactions. This concept led to the practice of segregation in initial housing of inmates. As inmates were introduced to the California prison system, they were placed in cells with inmates according to race or ethnicity.In 2005, the Supreme Court changed the standard to be applied in cases of racial segregation at prisons. In Johnson v. California, Justice O’Connor’s majority held that the proper standard of review was 'strict scrutiny' because the prior deferential standard too easily defended 'rank discrimination' and remanded the case back to the district court for review. The California Department of Corrections ('CDC') at that point settled with the plaintiff, Garrison Johnson, and began implementing policies to eliminate the use of race as a primary factor in initially segregating inmates as they are processed into prisons. The thesis of this article is that while the CDC claims its policies regarding initial housing in double-occupancy cells focused on separating members of conflicting gangs, in practice it segregated inmates coming into the men’s prison system by perceived race. Research has shown that racial segregation in prisons increases inmate violence, which has the effect of increasing inmate sentences. In California, where inmate populations are disproportionately Black and Latino, this practice, questioned in the courts, is only one example of the segregation existing throughout the prison system. By carefully integrating all inmate cells and eliminating the policy allowing inmates to select their own double-occupancy cell partner, California will experience less violence within the prison, thereby reducing prison sentences.
加州监狱系统因其高度种族化的环境而臭名昭著。许多监狱暴力事件的历史——被称为“种族骚乱”——描绘了一幅不同种族的囚犯需要隔离以防止野蛮殴打、谋杀和强奸的画面。例如,在北加利福尼亚惩教设施(California Correctional Training Facility)发生一起被视为“种族骚乱”的事件后,监狱官员将300名囚犯隔离起来,直到囚犯抱怨他们的第八修正案和正当程序权利受到侵犯。2000年,鹈鹕湾州立监狱(Pelican Bay State Prison)发生了一场涉及300名囚犯的暴乱,据推测是出于种族原因,监狱的一部分被封锁了。2009年8月,1,175名囚犯参与了一场骚乱,官员们认为这场骚乱源于种族紧张关系,其中249名囚犯受伤,位于加利福尼亚州奇诺市的加州男子监狱(California Institution for Men)有七个容纳1,300张床位的宿舍单元被毁。媒体和监狱官员指出,类似的事件证明加州监狱存在种族歧视。传统上,法律将监狱隔离的做法留给了一种宽松的审查标准,允许加州监狱官员根据种族将囚犯隔离在双人牢房中。大法官安东宁·斯卡利亚(Antonin Scalia)在里士满诉J.A.克罗森(Richmond v. J.A. Croson)一案中写道,“只有在社会紧急情况上升到危及生命和肢体的迫在眉睫的程度时——例如,监狱种族骚乱,需要暂时隔离囚犯……”可以为第十四条修正案中体现的“我们的宪法是不分肤色的”原则的例外辩护。这一观点与托马斯法官建议的放松标准和司法尊重监狱官员的观点是一致的,因为监狱是美国一些最暴力的监狱帮派的滋生地,所有这些帮派都是根据种族界限组织起来的。有关骚乱的报道、流行电影和之前的法院意见都表明,这个监狱系统最初对囚犯进行种族隔离的做法是对囚犯带入监狱的种族偏见和不宽容的反应。另一种说法是,囚犯在与监狱的互动中产生了偏见。这一概念导致了在最初安置囚犯时实行隔离。当囚犯被介绍给加州监狱系统时,他们根据种族或民族被安置在牢房里。2005年,最高法院修改了适用于监狱种族隔离案件的标准。在约翰逊诉加州案中,奥康纳法官的多数派认为,适当的审查标准是“严格审查”,因为先前的恭敬标准太容易为“等级歧视”辩护,并将案件发回地方法院进行审查。当时,加州惩教局(CDC)与原告加里森·约翰逊(Garrison Johnson)达成和解,并开始实施相关政策,以消除在囚犯进入监狱的过程中,将种族作为最初隔离囚犯的主要因素。这篇文章的论点是,虽然CDC声称其关于双囚牢房初始安置的政策侧重于隔离冲突帮派的成员,但实际上它是根据种族隔离进入男子监狱系统的囚犯。研究表明,监狱中的种族隔离增加了囚犯的暴力行为,从而增加了囚犯的刑期。在黑人和拉丁裔囚犯比例不成比例的加州,这种在法庭上受到质疑的做法,只是整个监狱系统中存在的种族隔离的一个例子。通过仔细整合所有囚犯牢房,并取消允许囚犯选择自己的双人牢房伙伴的政策,加州将减少监狱内的暴力事件,从而减少刑期。