After Deference: Formalizing the Judicial Power for Foreign Relations Law

IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences
Deborah N. Pearlstein
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

How much deference should courts afford executive branch interpretations of statutes and treaties? The question that has long engaged foreign relations scholars has found new salience as it has become apparent in recent years that the Supreme Court will neither abstain nor reliably defer to presidential judgment even in cases implicating national security. As the courts grapple with the scope of detention authority granted by Congress’ 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force, or the limits on that authority under the Geneva Conventions, a number of scholars have embraced administrative law deference doctrines such as that in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council as a way of constraining newly vigorous judicial engagement with executive law interpretation. The courts may have some appropriate role in interpreting foreign relations law, the notion is, but Chevron at least requires that the courts accept any "reasonable" executive interpretation. Yet, as this Article contends, Chevron’s promise for foreign relations law is elusive. The Chevron doctrine in administrative law has proven neither as stable nor as attuned to the executive’s functional strengths and weaknesses as its foreign relations advocates imagine. More, Chevron poses a still unresolved challenge to formal understandings of the judicial power under Article III of the Constitution. If the executive enjoys substantial authority in statutory and treaty interpretation, what remains at the core of the courts’ structural power to "say what the law is"? While administrative law scholars have long struggled with the question, it has received surprisingly scant attention in the contemporary foreign relations debate. This is an oversight. Understanding what power – and duty – the courts have to "say what the law is" is a necessary precursor to determining what interpretive relationship between the courts and the executive should come after the Court has rejected abstention or total deference. This Article introduces the formal dimension into questions of interpretation in foreign relations law. Concluding that predominant understandings of the judicial power of interpretation provide insufficient accounts of the Court’s role in this realm, it begins the task of developing a supplemental understanding of formal judicial power for foreign relations law.
服从之后:对外关系法司法权的正规化
法院应该在多大程度上尊重行政部门对法规和条约的解释?这个长期困扰外交关系学者的问题,近年来有了新的突出表现,因为很明显,即使在涉及国家安全的案件中,最高法院既不会弃权,也不会忠实地遵从总统的判决。随着法院努力解决国会2001年授权使用军事力量授予的拘留权的范围,或日内瓦公约对该权力的限制,许多学者已经接受了行政法服从理论,如雪佛龙诉自然资源保护委员会,作为一种限制新出现的强有力的司法参与行政法解释的方式。法院可能在解释外交关系法方面发挥一些适当的作用,但雪佛龙至少要求法院接受任何“合理的”行政解释。然而,正如本文所言,雪佛龙对外交关系法的承诺是难以捉摸的。事实证明,行政法中的雪佛龙主义既不像其外交关系倡导者想象的那样稳定,也不像他们想象的那样与高管的职能优势和弱点相协调。此外,雪佛龙对宪法第三条规定的司法权力的正式理解提出了一个尚未解决的挑战。如果行政机关在解释法律和条约方面享有实质性的权力,那么法院“说什么是法律”的结构性权力的核心是什么?虽然行政法学者长期以来一直在努力解决这个问题,但在当代外交关系辩论中,它却很少受到关注。这是一个疏忽。了解法院有什么权力和义务“说明法律是什么”,是确定法院在拒绝弃权或完全服从之后法院与行政部门之间应建立何种解释关系的必要前提。本文介绍了对外关系法解释问题的形式维度。结论是,对司法解释权的主流理解没有充分说明法院在这一领域的作用,因此,本文开始了对外交关系法的正式司法权进行补充理解的任务。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.90
自引率
0.00%
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1
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