Political context, organizational engagement, and protest in African countries

IF 1.3 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY
Katia Pilati
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引用次数: 21

Abstract

*† This article analyzes levels of protest mobilization in eighteen African countries—by far the region least studied by researchers of protest dynamics. Theoretically, its goal is to integrate the role of organizational engagement into political opportunity approaches to protest mobilization. Empirically, it uses African data to test whether Western-driven theories provide useful insights for analyzing protest dynamics in developing countries. The analysis yields three major findings: (1) the more open and democratic the political context, the more individuals mobilize, although the impact of the political opportunity structure in repressive contexts is less certain; (2) the more individuals are engaged in organizations, excluding religious organizations, the more they mobilize; (3) the impact of individual organizational engagement on the probability of mobilizing in protests does not change across contexts. Scholars working in the political process tradition largely agree on three dimensions that shape protest mobilization: political opportunities, organizations, and framing processes (McAdam 1999; Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). Nevertheless, most work has focused on one dimension over the others. In particular, the reductionist view of political opportunities has taken some criticism: “perceived and socially constructed opportunities have given way to ‘political opportunity structures’ (POS) and, with this change, what once was conceived of as a structural/ constructionist account of movement emergence has become a structurally determinist one” (McAdam 1999: 6). While political opportunities have generally been considered political opportunity “structures,” resource mobilization theory (RMT) focused on organizations (McCarthy and Zald 1977) and later work privileging relational approaches focused on networks among organizations and activists (Diani and McAdam 2003). Meanwhile, interpretative frames have been the favorite object of cultural approaches that analyze the cognitive, affective, and emotional sides of participation and engagement in collective action (Melucci 1989; Snow and Benford 1992; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Polletta and Jasper 2001). In this article, I integrate perspectives on political opportunities with the analysis of the organizational dimension. I do so by examining the impact of different types of political regimes and engagement in organizations on individual mobilization. In addition, I advance some hypotheses on the moderating effect of political regimes on the impact that organizational engagement has on mobilization. I argue this approach is particularly fruitful when analyzing repressive contexts because organizational resources—both material and symbolic— may partly counterbalance the dampening effects of a closed political context. In fact, organizations convey
非洲国家的政治背景、组织参与和抗议
*†本文分析了18个非洲国家的抗议动员水平,这是迄今为止抗议动态研究人员研究最少的地区。从理论上讲,其目标是将组织参与的作用整合到抗议动员的政治机会方法中。从经验上看,它使用非洲的数据来检验西方驱动的理论是否为分析发展中国家的抗议动态提供了有用的见解。分析得出三个主要发现:(1)政治环境越开放和民主,个人动员越多,尽管政治机会结构在压制性环境中的影响不太确定;(2)除宗教组织外,个人参与的组织越多,其动员程度越高;(3)个体组织参与对抗议动员概率的影响在不同情境下没有变化。研究政治过程传统的学者在很大程度上同意塑造抗议动员的三个维度:政治机会、组织和框架过程(McAdam 1999;Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995;麦克亚当,塔罗和蒂利2001)。然而,大多数工作都集中在一个方面而不是其他方面。特别是,关于政治机会的还原论观点受到了一些批评:“感知的和社会建构的机会已经让位于‘政治机会结构’(POS),随着这种变化,曾经被认为是运动出现的结构/建构主义解释已经成为结构决定论”(McAdam 1999)。6)虽然政治机会通常被认为是政治机会的“结构”,但资源动员理论(RMT)侧重于组织(McCarthy and Zald 1977),后来的工作特权关系方法侧重于组织和活动家之间的网络(Diani and McAdam 2003)。与此同时,解释框架一直是分析集体行动中参与和参与的认知、情感和情感方面的文化方法最喜欢的对象(Melucci 1989;Snow and Benford 1992;Johnston and Klandermans 1995;Polletta and Jasper 2001)。在本文中,我将政治机会的观点与组织维度的分析结合起来。我通过研究不同类型的政治制度和组织参与对个人动员的影响来做到这一点。此外,我提出了一些关于政治制度对组织参与对动员的影响的调节作用的假设。我认为这种方法在分析压制性环境时特别有效,因为组织资源——无论是物质的还是象征的——可能在一定程度上抵消封闭政治环境的抑制作用。事实上,组织传达
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来源期刊
Mobilization
Mobilization SOCIOLOGY-
CiteScore
3.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
21
期刊介绍: Mobilization: An International Quarterly is the premier journal of research specializing in social movements, protests, insurgencies, revolutions, and other forms of contentious politics. Mobilization was first published in 1996 to fill the need for a scholarly review of research that focused exclusively with social movements, protest and collective action. Mobilization is fully peer-reviewed and widely indexed. A 2003 study, when Mobilization was published semiannually, showed that its citation index rate was 1.286, which placed it among the top ten sociology journals. Today, Mobilization is published four times a year, in March, June, September, and December. The editorial board is composed of thirty internationally recognized scholars from political science, sociology and social psychology. The goal of Mobilization is to provide a forum for global, scholarly dialogue. It is currently distributed to the top international research libraries and read by the most engaged scholars in the field. We hope that through its wide distribution, different research strategies and theoretical/conceptual approaches will be shared among the global community of social movement scholars, encouraging a collaborative process that will further the development of a cumulative social science.
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