Memories and Narratives of the 1999 NATO Bombing in Serbia

IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities
Orli Fridman, K. Rácz
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Marija Mandić is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade, and a Humboldt Postdoctoral Fellow (2016-2018) at the Institute for Slavic Studies at the Humboldt University, Berlin. ‘– How did the bombing affect you? – Well, after it, and particularly after I experienced a three-ton bomb dropped on Straževica Hill in Belgrade, when I thought I was going to die, I decided to marry my long-term boyfriend.’ (From my conversation with Eve Ann Prentice, war correspondent for The Times) Theoretical Framework: the Politics of Memory, Discourse, and Media The connection between social groups and collective memory has been the starting point for memory research in the modern humanities ever since Maurice Halbwachs argued that every memory is carried by a specific social group, limited in space and time.1 The politics of memory, however, is concerned with 1 Maurice Halbwachs, La mémoire collective. Ouvrage posthume publié par Mme Jeanne Alexandre née Halbwachs, Paris 1950 [1925]; Alon Confino, Collective Memory and Cultural History. Problems of Method, The American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (1997), 1386-1403, 1392. Südosteuropa 64 (2016), no. 4, pp. 460-481 MEMORIES AND NARRATIVES OF THE 1999 NATO BOMBING 461 Official Commemoration of the NATO Bombing the role politics has in shaping collective memory. It is reflected in the ways historical events are represented by politicians, talked about in governmentcontrolled media, or transmitted through the school system.2 The present article focuses specifically on commemoration as a form of remembrance. According to Assmann, cultural memory is memory which has periodically stabilized with the help of anniversaries and which can thus extend over a very long period. Commemoration is also an opportunity for collective re-staging: communities of memory make use of commemorations to represent themselves in the way they would like to see themselves—in the way they aspire to be.3 Paul Connerton stresses the interrelationship: ‘If there is such a thing as social memory, I shall argue, we are likely to find it in commemorative ceremonies; but commemorative ceremonies prove to be commemorative only in so far as they are performative; performativity cannot be thought without a concept of habit; and habit cannot be thought without a notion of bodily automatisms.’4 As this article analyses commemorative ceremonies and discourses, I will outline the basic theoretical assumptions I have adopted. My understanding of ‘discourse’ comes from Michael Foucault, who takes the rules of the formation of discourse to explain the ways in which societies and groups constitute forms of subjectivity, knowledge, social practices, institutions, and power relations, and vice versa.5 Since critical social theory maintains that discourse and society constitute one another, it criticizes the abuses of power that are reflected, constructed and legitimized via discourse.6 The concept of ‘discursive strategy’, which is also used in this article, denotes a more or less accurate plan adopted to achieve a certain political, psychological or other kind of objective.7 Theorizing about the social context in which a commemorative discourse has been produced brings us to a thorny question: could Serbia in the post-bombing period be described as a traumatized society? In existing academic writing, it 2 Cf. Jan Assmann, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization. Writing, Remembrance, and Political Imagination, Cambridge 2011; Aleida Assmann, Arbeit am nationalen Gedächtnis. Eine kurze Geschichte der deutschen Bildungsidee, Frankfurt 1993; Aleida Assmann, Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit, München 2006. 3 Assmann, Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit, 230. 4 Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember, Cambridge, New York 1989, 5. 5 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language, New York 1972, 38. 6 Cf. Teun van Dijk, Critical Discourse Analysis, in: Deborah Tannen / Deborah Schiffrin / Heidi E. Hamilton, eds, Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Oxford 2001, 352-371; Norman Fairclough, Language and Power, London 1989; Norman Fairclough / Ruth Wodak, Critical Discourse Analysis, in: Teun van Dijk, ed, Discourse Studies. A Multidisciplinary Introduction, vol. 2: Discourse as Social Interaction, London 1997, 258-284. 7 Ruth Wodak et al., The Discursive Construction of National Identity, Edinburgh 2009, 31.","PeriodicalId":51954,"journal":{"name":"Sudosteuropa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/soeu-2016-0040","citationCount":"5","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Sudosteuropa","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2016-0040","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"Arts and Humanities","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5

Abstract

This article analyses how NATO’s bombing of Serbia has been officially commemorated in that country. Initially, it provides an overview of the commemorations performed between 2000 and 2013, covering both the commemorative practices and policies of leading Serbian politicians and alternative voices. The focus then turns to the fifteenth anniversary of the bombing in 2014. Just as in previous commemorations, there was no central ceremony, but, rather, a series of commemorative events held all over the country. The controversies that these aroused are then discussed, in particular those surrounding the commemoration of Radio Television Serbia’s employees and the spontaneous commemorative acts that took place in Serbian schools. Marija Mandić is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade, and a Humboldt Postdoctoral Fellow (2016-2018) at the Institute for Slavic Studies at the Humboldt University, Berlin. ‘– How did the bombing affect you? – Well, after it, and particularly after I experienced a three-ton bomb dropped on Straževica Hill in Belgrade, when I thought I was going to die, I decided to marry my long-term boyfriend.’ (From my conversation with Eve Ann Prentice, war correspondent for The Times) Theoretical Framework: the Politics of Memory, Discourse, and Media The connection between social groups and collective memory has been the starting point for memory research in the modern humanities ever since Maurice Halbwachs argued that every memory is carried by a specific social group, limited in space and time.1 The politics of memory, however, is concerned with 1 Maurice Halbwachs, La mémoire collective. Ouvrage posthume publié par Mme Jeanne Alexandre née Halbwachs, Paris 1950 [1925]; Alon Confino, Collective Memory and Cultural History. Problems of Method, The American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (1997), 1386-1403, 1392. Südosteuropa 64 (2016), no. 4, pp. 460-481 MEMORIES AND NARRATIVES OF THE 1999 NATO BOMBING 461 Official Commemoration of the NATO Bombing the role politics has in shaping collective memory. It is reflected in the ways historical events are represented by politicians, talked about in governmentcontrolled media, or transmitted through the school system.2 The present article focuses specifically on commemoration as a form of remembrance. According to Assmann, cultural memory is memory which has periodically stabilized with the help of anniversaries and which can thus extend over a very long period. Commemoration is also an opportunity for collective re-staging: communities of memory make use of commemorations to represent themselves in the way they would like to see themselves—in the way they aspire to be.3 Paul Connerton stresses the interrelationship: ‘If there is such a thing as social memory, I shall argue, we are likely to find it in commemorative ceremonies; but commemorative ceremonies prove to be commemorative only in so far as they are performative; performativity cannot be thought without a concept of habit; and habit cannot be thought without a notion of bodily automatisms.’4 As this article analyses commemorative ceremonies and discourses, I will outline the basic theoretical assumptions I have adopted. My understanding of ‘discourse’ comes from Michael Foucault, who takes the rules of the formation of discourse to explain the ways in which societies and groups constitute forms of subjectivity, knowledge, social practices, institutions, and power relations, and vice versa.5 Since critical social theory maintains that discourse and society constitute one another, it criticizes the abuses of power that are reflected, constructed and legitimized via discourse.6 The concept of ‘discursive strategy’, which is also used in this article, denotes a more or less accurate plan adopted to achieve a certain political, psychological or other kind of objective.7 Theorizing about the social context in which a commemorative discourse has been produced brings us to a thorny question: could Serbia in the post-bombing period be described as a traumatized society? In existing academic writing, it 2 Cf. Jan Assmann, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization. Writing, Remembrance, and Political Imagination, Cambridge 2011; Aleida Assmann, Arbeit am nationalen Gedächtnis. Eine kurze Geschichte der deutschen Bildungsidee, Frankfurt 1993; Aleida Assmann, Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit, München 2006. 3 Assmann, Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit, 230. 4 Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember, Cambridge, New York 1989, 5. 5 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language, New York 1972, 38. 6 Cf. Teun van Dijk, Critical Discourse Analysis, in: Deborah Tannen / Deborah Schiffrin / Heidi E. Hamilton, eds, Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Oxford 2001, 352-371; Norman Fairclough, Language and Power, London 1989; Norman Fairclough / Ruth Wodak, Critical Discourse Analysis, in: Teun van Dijk, ed, Discourse Studies. A Multidisciplinary Introduction, vol. 2: Discourse as Social Interaction, London 1997, 258-284. 7 Ruth Wodak et al., The Discursive Construction of National Identity, Edinburgh 2009, 31.
1999年北约轰炸塞尔维亚的记忆与叙述
本文分析了北约轰炸塞尔维亚是如何在该国被正式纪念的。最初,它概述了2000年至2013年期间进行的纪念活动,涵盖了塞尔维亚主要政治家的纪念实践和政策以及其他声音。然后焦点转向2014年的爆炸案15周年纪念。就像以前的纪念活动一样,这次没有中央仪式,而是在全国各地举行一系列纪念活动。然后讨论了这些引起的争议,特别是围绕塞尔维亚广播电视台雇员的纪念活动和在塞尔维亚学校自发举行的纪念活动。Marija mandiski,塞尔维亚科学与艺术学院巴尔干研究所研究员,柏林洪堡大学斯拉夫研究所洪堡博士后(2016-2018)。-爆炸对你有什么影响?-嗯,在那之后,特别是在我经历了一颗三吨重的炸弹落在贝尔格莱德Straževica山上之后,当我以为我要死了的时候,我决定嫁给我交往了很久的男朋友。(来自我与《纽约时报》战地记者伊芙·安·普伦蒂斯的对话)理论框架:记忆、话语和媒体的政治自从莫里斯·哈布瓦克斯(Maurice Halbwachs)认为每一种记忆都由特定的社会群体承载,在空间和时间上受到限制以来,社会群体与集体记忆之间的联系一直是现代人文学科记忆研究的起点然而,记忆的政治与莫里斯·哈尔布瓦克斯(Maurice Halbwachs, La msammoire collective)有关。愤怒的死后公众par Mme Jeanne Alexandre nassie Halbwachs,巴黎1950 [1925];Alon Confino,集体记忆和文化历史。《方法问题》,《美国历史评论》第102期。5(1997), 1386-1403, 1392。文件编号:<s:1> dosteuropa 64 (2016);461北约轰炸的官方纪念活动:政治在塑造集体记忆中的作用。它反映在政治家描述历史事件的方式上,在政府控制的媒体上谈论历史事件的方式上,或者通过学校系统传播历史事件的方式上本文特别侧重于纪念作为纪念的一种形式。阿斯曼认为,文化记忆是在周年纪念的帮助下周期性稳定下来的记忆,因此可以延续很长一段时间。纪念活动也是一个集体重新登台的机会:记忆社区利用纪念活动以他们希望看到的方式——他们渴望成为的方式——来表现自己保罗·康纳顿(Paul Connerton)强调两者之间的相互关系:“我认为,如果存在社会记忆这种东西,我们很可能会在纪念仪式中发现它;但是,纪念性仪式只有在具有表演性时才被证明是纪念性的;如果没有习惯的概念,就无法思考表演性;如果没有身体自动性的概念,就无法思考习惯。在本文分析纪念仪式和话语时,我将概述我所采用的基本理论假设。我对“话语”的理解来自迈克尔·福柯,他用话语形成的规则来解释社会和群体如何构成主体性、知识、社会实践、制度和权力关系的形式,反之亦然批判社会理论认为话语与社会是相互构成的,因此批判了通过话语反映、建构和合法化的权力滥用这篇文章中也使用了“话语策略”的概念,指的是为达到某种政治、心理或其他目的而采取的或多或少准确的计划将纪念性话语产生的社会背景理论化,带给我们一个棘手的问题:轰炸后的塞尔维亚是否可以被描述为一个受创伤的社会?在现有的学术著作中,它可以参考Jan Assmann的《文化记忆与早期文明》。《写作、记忆与政治想象》,剑桥大学2011年;Aleida Assmann, Arbeit am national Gedächtnis。德国教育研究中心,法兰克福,1993;阿莱达·阿斯曼,《未来的世界》,2006年9月。[3]阿斯曼,《科学与技术》,230。4保罗·康纳顿,《社会如何记忆》,剑桥,纽约,1989年,第5页。5米歇尔·福柯:《知识考古学与语言话语》,纽约,1972年,第38页。6参见Teun van Dijk,批评话语分析,载:Deborah Tannen / Deborah Schiffrin / Heidi E。 汉密尔顿,编辑,话语分析手册,牛津2001年,352-371;诺曼·费尔克劳:《语言与权力》,伦敦,1989;Norman Fairclough / Ruth Wodak:《批评话语分析》,载于:Teun van Dijk主编的《话语研究》。多学科导论,第二卷:作为社会互动的话语,伦敦,1997,258-284。7 Ruth Wodak等,《民族认同的话语建构》,爱丁堡,2009年第31期。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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