Caste Politics and State Integration: a Case Study of Mysore State

M. Ramaswamy, S. Asha
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Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic. This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context. Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.","PeriodicalId":30602,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Area Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"195 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"International Journal of Area Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2015-0009","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Abstract The subject of unification is as vibrant as national movement even after 58 years of a fractured verdict. More than to achieve a physical conjugation it was an attempt for cultural fusion. The aspiration for linguistic unification was a part of the national discourse. The movement, which began with mystic originations, later on turned out to become communal. Political changes during 1799 A.D. and 1857 A.D. changed the fortunes of Mysore state and ultimately led to its disintegration and became the reason for this movement. The concept of unification is akin to the spirit of nationalism, against the background of colonial regime assigning parts of land to different administrative units without taking into consideration the historical or cultural aspects of that place. Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic. This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context. Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.
种姓政治与国家整合:以迈索尔邦为例
统一的话题和民族运动一样充满活力,即使在58年的分裂判决之后。这不仅仅是为了实现身体上的结合,更是一种文化融合的尝试。语言统一的愿望是民族话语的一部分。这一运动起源于神秘主义,后来变成了集体运动。公元1799年和1857年的政治变化改变了迈索尔邦的命运,最终导致其解体,并成为这场运动的原因。统一的概念类似于民族主义精神,其背景是殖民政权将部分土地分配给不同的行政单位,而不考虑该地区的历史或文化方面。被困在多语言国家的卡纳迪加人经历了一种孤儿的情况,这种情况在19世纪初被唤起。英国人引进英语教育后,公司造成的问题被淡化了。虽然中产阶级的出现等积极方面是务实的,但另一方面,社群主义的兴起却不是理想主义的。本研究论文旨在考察1956年形成的迈索尔邦(现称为卡纳塔克邦,自1973年以来被称为迈索尔)统一运动中种姓的两极分化。大多数先前的研究集中在两个方面,即意识形态话语和为获得统一而采取的组织策略。这类研究主要以统一运动的进程和国大党的作用为中心,有些研究集中在统一运动的领导人身上。其他的研究本质上是人种学的。Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil的《社区主导与政治现代化:lingayat》就是一个经典的例子。这里可以提到Harish Ramaswamy最近在他的《卡纳塔克邦政府与政治》中所做的尝试,其中几乎涵盖了卡纳塔克邦作为一个邦出现的所有方面,但统一运动期间的社区政治却没有找到一席之地。《重新思考印度邦内政治:地区中的地区》是Ashutosh Kumar编辑的一本书,其中有关于“种姓和边缘政治”的文章,其中提到了种姓协会和林加亚特人的身份政治,但研究领域是邻近的马哈拉施特拉邦,而不是卡纳塔克邦。虽然它包含两篇关于卡纳塔克邦的文章,但它的主题与这个话题无关。一个更重要的努力是在《想象不可想象的社区:现代卡纳塔克邦的政治和社会话语》一书中,作者Raghavendra Rao认为卡纳塔克邦和印度是两个不可想象的社区,并主要讨论了印度民族主义和卡纳达语民族主义话语之间谈判的创始时刻。它更多的是一部思想史,揭示了殖民背景下的民族主义。大多数研究都集中在运动的过程或领导人上。大会作为一个组织总是在所有的研究中占有一席之地。但这类研究的缺陷在于对主要社会文化群体的活动关注较少。由于20世纪初的社会环境宣告了国家的社会变革浪潮,社会文化群体的作用变得重要起来。众所周知的事实是,语言国家运动成功地将五个独立的次区域整合在一起,但未能在文化上团结起来。这种类似于民族主义精神的统一概念在区域层面上表现为对自己的文化、语言和人民的尊重。在卡纳塔克邦,这种表达也有政治色彩,这是一些为卡纳塔克邦而战的人所表达的。大多数统一运动的早期领导人(就此而言,甚至独立运动也可以在这里引用)属于一个特定的种姓,随着时间的推移,导致了该种姓统治运动的概念。本文试图以有限的方式给予正义,对应得的种姓给予合法和充分的承认,并消除误解。使用了政治现代化和社会流动两个概念。在这种情况下,后者的存在源于前者。这里使用的数据主要来自报纸和二手来源,如书籍和参与者提供的采访。在这一尝试中,没有检验任何假设,也没有发展任何理论,而是根据现代性对历史材料进行了检查。这里讨论的关键问题是社区政治的出现和社会群体在统一中的作用。地域主义、种姓和阶级偏见已被理性思维所克服。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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