French Salons: High Society and Political Sociability from the Old Regime to the Revolution of 1848 (review)

Rosamond Hooper-Hamersley
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

French Salons: High Society and Political Sociability from the Old Regime to the Revolution of 1848 challenges the historiography of salon culture in eighteenthand nineteenth-century France. Steven Kale frames his exposé against the backdrop of the Republic of Letters and the grande monde and culminates with the decline of French salons in the nineteenth century. From a methodological perspective Kale incorporates the testimony of salon habitués through his prodigious use of memoirs and journals. The value of such fecund material will be familiar to readers of Libraries & Culture. The disparate voices of French salons, including Mme du Deffand and Mme de Staël in the eighteenth century to the duchesse de Dino and the princesse de Lieven in the nineteenth century, offer competing views on the influence of salonnières. Kale reconstructs salon history through an institutional approach, considering its evolution, function, and persistence, rather than a conventional examination of “women in salons per se” (16). He dismisses “literary studies and historical scholarship” that claim a salonoriented matriarchy politically reigning over le monde as inflated and fantastical discourse (39). He concurs with Adeline Daumard’s repudiation of salonnières as political. Daumard states that “women of the highest society and the best circles at court did not have . . . the power either to make the careers of a man they honored or to determine public affairs by friends interposed” (8). Kale skeptically questions the validity of French salons as idealized spheres of feminine power, seeking instead an accurate representation of salonnières. He departs from Joan Landes in Women in the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Cornell University Press, 1988) and Dena Goodman in The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Cornell University Press, 1994). Landes focuses her argument on aristocratic “women [who] functioned as adjuncts, then, of a system of advancement for merit. Circles at court and salons in the city became centers of female power brokers” (24). Goodman proposes that the goal of Enlightenment salons “was to satisfy the self-determined educational needs of women who started them” (76). Kale is unconvinced by Goodman’s premise that salonnières helped to engineer autonomy for the Republic of Letters from le monde (242). Jolanta Pekacz supports this objection, holding that salonnières would not violate their sex through “illegitimate claims” promulgated by social and intellectual desires (Conservative Tradition in Pre-Revolutionary France: Parisian Salon Women [Peter Land, 1999], 12). Kale debunks women’s power as “an optical illusion” (40). By the nineteenth century, he argues, “the power of women to harmonize the world was largely a fiction, [and] so was their ability to influence policy and events from behind the scenes” (146). These were women consumed
法国沙龙:从旧政权到1848年革命的上流社会和政治社交(回顾)
《法国沙龙:从旧政权到1848年革命的上流社会和政治社交》挑战了18、19世纪法国沙龙文化的史学。史蒂芬·卡勒(Steven Kale)将他的揭露置于文学共和国和大世界的背景下,并以19世纪法国沙龙的衰落为高潮。从方法论的角度来看,卡莱通过大量使用回忆录和日记,将沙龙习惯的证词纳入其中。《图书馆与文化》杂志的读者会对这些丰富的资料的价值很熟悉。法国沙龙中不同的声音,从18世纪的德芬夫人和Staël夫人到19世纪的迪诺公爵夫人和利芬公主,对沙龙的影响提出了不同的观点。Kale通过一种制度的方法重构了沙龙的历史,考虑了它的演变、功能和持久性,而不是传统的“沙龙中的女性本身”的检查(16)。他驳斥了“文学研究和历史学术”,认为以沙龙为导向的母权制在政治上统治着《世界报》,这是一种夸大和幻想的话语(39)。他同意阿德琳·多玛尔(Adeline Daumard)对沙龙的政治批判。多玛尔说,“最高社会和宫廷里最好的圈子里的女人没有……(8)卡勒对法国沙龙作为女性权力的理想化领域的有效性持怀疑态度,相反,他寻求沙龙的准确代表。他与琼·兰德斯的《法国大革命时期公共领域中的女性》(康奈尔大学出版社,1988年)和迪娜·古德曼的《文坛:法国启蒙运动的文化史》(康奈尔大学出版社,1994年)有所不同。兰德斯把她的论点集中在贵族“女性作为附属物的功能,然后,为功绩而进步的系统。”宫廷圈子和城市沙龙成为女性权力掮客的中心”(24)。古德曼提出,启蒙沙龙的目标“是满足开办沙龙的妇女自主决定的教育需求”(76)。卡莱不相信古德曼的前提,即salonni帮助《世界报》设计了文学共和国的自治(242)。Jolanta Pekacz支持这一反对意见,认为沙龙女性不会通过社会和知识分子欲望所颁布的“非法要求”来侵犯她们的性(法国革命前的保守传统:巴黎沙龙女性[Peter Land, 1999], 12)。卡莱揭穿了女性的力量是“一种视觉错觉”。他认为,到了19世纪,“女性和谐世界的力量在很大程度上是虚构的,她们在幕后影响政策和事件的能力也是虚构的”(146)。这些都是女性
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