Programmed Diplomacy: The Settlement of the North Atlantic Fisheries Question, 1907-12

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY
A. C. Gluek
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

When The Hague Tribunal brought down its Award on 7 September 1910, almost all contemporary observers agreed that the age-old controversy had been laid to rest. Only the eulogies differed, varying with the nationality of the authors. Allen B. Aylesworth, Agent for the combined team of Canada, Great Britain and Newfoundland immediately cabled his Prime Minister, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, that they had won all the points of any consequence and that only one small feature of the Award was unsatisfactory. Two days later, the American Agent, Chandler P. Anderson, sent much the same cheerful sort of message to President William Howard Taft: the Americans had gained a substantial victory and only one point at issue, itself of slight importance, had gone against them. The confusion of those early days has been perpetuated. The "truth" of the matter still depends largely upon a man's nationality. Most Canadian historians who have lately glanced at the Award regard it as one which "favoured Canada", "broadly upheld the Canadian case" or "generally upheld the case of Canada and Newfoundland." When American historians scrutinize the Award — and not too many do — they come to very different conclusions. S. F. Bemis, after patriotically approaching the subject, reached a remarkable half-truth: the "award . . . put into effect the provisions of the unratified Bayard-Chamberlain treaty of 1888 for the definition of territorial bays . . . ." Julius W. Pratt, following the same nationalist course, concluded that the Tribunal "decided all the principal questions in favor of the United States." Thomas A. Bailey, whose historical understanding was more precise, likened the decision to a "compromise" in which Gloucestermen were protected against unreasonable local regulations while Newfoundlanders were "generally sustained in their claims to local jurisdiction."
程序化外交:北大西洋渔业问题的解决,1907- 1912
当海牙法庭于1910年9月7日作出裁决时,几乎所有同时代的观察家都认为,这场旷日持久的争论已经告一段落。只是悼词不同,因作者的国籍而异。加拿大、英国和纽芬兰联合队的代理人艾伦·艾尔斯沃斯立即致电首相威尔弗里德·劳里埃爵士,说他们已经赢得了所有重要的分数,只有一个小方面不令人满意。两天后,美国特工钱德勒·p·安德森(Chandler P. Anderson)向威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱(William Howard Taft)总统发出了大致相同的欢欣鼓舞的信息:美国人取得了重大胜利,只有一点问题对他们不利,而这一点本身并不重要。早年的混乱一直延续至今。事情的“真相”在很大程度上仍然取决于一个人的国籍。大多数加拿大历史学家最近瞥了一眼该奖项,认为它“有利于加拿大”,“大体上支持加拿大的情况”或“大体上支持加拿大和纽芬兰的情况”。当美国历史学家仔细研究这个奖项时——并不是很多人这样做——他们得出了截然不同的结论。s·f·贝米斯在爱国主义地接近这个主题之后,得出了一个了不起的半真半假的结论:“奖……实施1888年未经批准的《贝亚德-张伯伦条约》中关于领土海湾定义的条款. . . .”朱利叶斯·w·普拉特遵循同样的民族主义路线,得出的结论是,法庭“在所有主要问题上都作出有利于美国的裁决”。托马斯·a·贝利(Thomas a . Bailey)对历史的理解更为精确,他将这一决定比作一种“妥协”,即格洛斯特人受到保护,免受不合理的地方法规的侵害,而纽芬兰人“总体上坚持对地方管辖权的要求”。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
ACADIENSIS
ACADIENSIS HISTORY-
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
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7
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