{"title":"We Are the Face of Oaxaca: Testimony and Social Movements. By Lynn Stephen","authors":"Luis van Isschot","doi":"10.1093/ohr/ohw102","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"employment, and the right to self-determination” (188). They want more support for childcare and the elderly and an end to harassment and violence against women. Her interviewees consistently reported that despite the challenges of the transition, Tunisia had a solid reform tradition rooted in gender equity, “and will end up finding its own path toward democracy and human rights for all Tunisians” (191). Honwana’s conclusions sober the advocates of democracy and civil society. Youth created new democratic forms in civil society, but they have not been able to translate them into formal political power. Young Tunisians who played the central role in overthrowing the country’s dictatorship simply “have not been integrated into political parties or taken an active role in formal politics” (192). Samir, a twenty-seven-year-old from the coastal city of Sousse, asserted that youth will overcome this: “The youth is the future and we will steer the development of our own society...Just give us time” (193). Honwana makes it clear that neither the traditional political parties nor those who emerged in the wake of the overthrow have spoken to the key concerns of youth: unemployment, social justice, and civil liberties. Instead, campaigns (and then governance) have centered on diversionary debates between secularism and Islamism, rather than the central challenge of neoliberal economic failures and establishing a climate where civil society could flourish. This is not unusual: as the eminent scholar of social movements, Lawrence Goodwyn, once reflected, the burden organic to the creation of large-scale democratic movements is that they need to stay accountable to the movement’s mass base. Too often, he reflected, those who govern in the wake of overthrow take an imperial or condescending stance, rather than a relational one, to those youth or farmers or workers who made the overthrow possible. Governance often proves a hollow echo of the early, heady days of democratic promise. Honwana’s work gives us a front-row seat to view these processes.","PeriodicalId":44122,"journal":{"name":"Oral History Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"165 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/ohr/ohw102","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Oral History Review","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohw102","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
employment, and the right to self-determination” (188). They want more support for childcare and the elderly and an end to harassment and violence against women. Her interviewees consistently reported that despite the challenges of the transition, Tunisia had a solid reform tradition rooted in gender equity, “and will end up finding its own path toward democracy and human rights for all Tunisians” (191). Honwana’s conclusions sober the advocates of democracy and civil society. Youth created new democratic forms in civil society, but they have not been able to translate them into formal political power. Young Tunisians who played the central role in overthrowing the country’s dictatorship simply “have not been integrated into political parties or taken an active role in formal politics” (192). Samir, a twenty-seven-year-old from the coastal city of Sousse, asserted that youth will overcome this: “The youth is the future and we will steer the development of our own society...Just give us time” (193). Honwana makes it clear that neither the traditional political parties nor those who emerged in the wake of the overthrow have spoken to the key concerns of youth: unemployment, social justice, and civil liberties. Instead, campaigns (and then governance) have centered on diversionary debates between secularism and Islamism, rather than the central challenge of neoliberal economic failures and establishing a climate where civil society could flourish. This is not unusual: as the eminent scholar of social movements, Lawrence Goodwyn, once reflected, the burden organic to the creation of large-scale democratic movements is that they need to stay accountable to the movement’s mass base. Too often, he reflected, those who govern in the wake of overthrow take an imperial or condescending stance, rather than a relational one, to those youth or farmers or workers who made the overthrow possible. Governance often proves a hollow echo of the early, heady days of democratic promise. Honwana’s work gives us a front-row seat to view these processes.
期刊介绍:
The Oral History Review, published by the Oral History Association, is the U.S. journal of record for the theory and practice of oral history and related fields. The journal’s primary mission is to explore the nature and significance of oral history and advance understanding of the field among scholars, educators, practitioners, and the general public. The Review publishes narrative and analytical articles and reviews, in print and multimedia formats, that present and use oral history in unique and significant ways and that contribute to the understanding of the nature of oral history and memory. It seeks previously unpublished works that demonstrate high-quality research and that offer new insight into oral history practice, methodology, theory, and pedagogy. Work published in the journal arises from many fields and disciplines, reflecting the interdisciplinary nature of oral history. While based in the U.S., the Review reflects the international scope of the field and encourages work from international authors and about international topics.