Business, the Roberts Court, and the Solicitor General: Why the Supreme Court's Recent Business Decisions May Not Reveal Very Much

B. Joondeph, Srikanth Srinivasan
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

It has almost become cliche to call the Roberts Court a friend of American business. Nonetheless, especially during the 2007-2008 term, the Court has also handed down a number of decisions favoring plaintiffs (such as employees or consumers) at the expense of business litigants. One complication in drawing firm conclusions about the Roberts Court's approach to business issues is that the current group of Justices has served together for only three years. A more fundamental complication is that other explanatory variables - influences other than a decision's import for American businesses - are certainly at play. In this essay, we explore one such variable that may have been especially significant over the past three years: the content of the arguments presented to the Court by the Solicitor General. To do so, we present an empirical examination of the full universe of the Roberts Court's decisions affecting the interests of business from January 2006, when Justice Alito joined the Court, to January 2009. As a purely descriptive matter, we find that the Court tended to reach results favorable to business interests, and that it tended to adopt the positions urged by the Bush administration. But when those two positions diverged - most saliently, in cases where the United States and the United States Chamber of Commerce filed opposing amicus briefs - the Roberts Court overwhelmingly sided with the government. How are we to understand this pattern? Does it suggest that the Roberts Court is actually more pro-government than pro-business? Alternatively, does it reflect a meaningful moderation in the Court's sympathy for business interests? Or does it signify something else still? We suggest that the answer may be all or none of the above - in essence, that these decisions leave much unrevealed. Specifically, given the Bush administration's well-known reputation as a strong ally of business, its arguments against the interests of business likely carried a great deal of credibility with the Court. Consequently, decisions by the Roberts Court siding against business litigants, but in favor of the Solicitor General, may show only that the arguments of business litigants in those cases went beyond what the law could permit. At the same time, the Court's siding with the government in business cases may not illustrate the Solicitor General's influence per se as much as it reflects the general agreement between the Justices and the Bush administration on how best to resolve the legal questions at issue. Hence, the decisions may not tell us much about the Roberts Court's underlying attitudes towards business or the federal government-that is, whether, and the extent to which, it is enduringly "pro-business" or "pro-government."
商业,罗伯茨法院和副检察长:为什么最高法院最近的商业决定可能不会透露太多
把罗伯茨法院称为美国企业的朋友,几乎已成为一种陈词滥调。尽管如此,特别是在2007-2008年任期内,最高法院还做出了一些有利于原告(如雇员或消费者)的判决,而牺牲了商业诉讼当事人的利益。要对罗伯茨最高法院处理商业问题的方式得出明确的结论,其中一个复杂因素是,目前的大法官团队在一起工作才三年。一个更根本的复杂因素是,其他的解释变量——除了一项决定对美国企业的重要性之外的影响——肯定也在起作用。在本文中,我们探讨了一个在过去三年中可能特别重要的变量:副检察长向法院提交的论点的内容。为此,我们对罗伯茨法院从2006年1月阿利托大法官加入最高法院到2009年1月期间所有影响企业利益的判决进行了实证研究。作为一个纯粹的描述性问题,我们发现法院倾向于达成有利于商业利益的结果,并且它倾向于采取布什政府所敦促的立场。但当这两种立场发生分歧时——最明显的是,在美国和美国商会提出反对意见的案件中——罗伯茨法院压倒性地站在了政府一边。我们该如何理解这种模式呢?这是否表明罗伯茨法院实际上更亲政府而不是亲企业?或者,它是否反映了法院对商业利益的同情有意义的缓和?或者它还意味着别的什么?我们认为,答案可能是上述全部或没有——本质上,这些决定留下了很多未揭示的东西。具体来说,考虑到布什政府作为商业的坚定盟友的名声,它反对商业利益的论点可能会在最高法院获得很大的可信度。因此,罗伯茨法院站在商业诉讼当事人一边而支持副检察长的决定可能只表明,在这些案件中,商业诉讼当事人的论点超出了法律所允许的范围。与此同时,最高法院在商业案件中站在政府一边,可能并不能说明副检察长本身的影响力,而是反映了大法官和布什政府就如何最好地解决有争议的法律问题达成的普遍共识。因此,这些判决可能不会告诉我们罗伯茨法院对企业或联邦政府的潜在态度,也就是说,它是否以及在多大程度上一直是“亲企业”或“亲政府”。
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