Interior's Proper Place: response to Tyler Priest

IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Megan A. Black
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Abstract

Tyler Priest has written extensively and convincingly on the history of global mineral flows and offshore oil operations. He has recently turned attention to my book, The Global Interior. In his review, Priest maintains that I greatly exaggerate the importance of the Interior Department to global mineral extraction, pointing to matters of proportion and evidence. Regarding the former, Priest brings attention to the multitude of operators involved in unearthing minerals, including those operators who do the most mining around the world. However, my thesis is not and never was that the Interior Department was the most important entity unearthing minerals around the world. I did and do uphold the importance of the department’s role in creating conditions favourable to mining across a vast array of thresholds, including Indigenous lands, formal territories, foreign nations, the oceans and outer space. Attention to such activities helps unravel the myth of US exceptionalism through its foundational contradictions: the department overtly declared a narrow profile yet aided in the projection of US power in ‘exterior’ places (p. 4) – a story he concedes ‘may be worth telling’. While I ask a fundamentally different set of questions than those raised by Priest in his review, I am happy to clarify my thinking within the parameters he sets regarding mineral flows. Our specific vantage point on power is what is centrally at stake in the disagreement. Priest sees my attention to figures from the Interior Department as misguided. The problem for him is one of proportion. For Priest, their role was marginal. The real procurement story centred around more important players: businessmen, financial intermediaries and firms. Their importance resides in the money they marshalled, whether by government allocation or financial will, and in a status of ‘shaping policy’ through powerful institutions, including resource advisory boards, the military and the State Department. Priest’s own work on the important Brazilian steel industry examines such features of the machinery of procurement. Through much of his review, he drills down into the case of Brazilian manganese, crucially important in the Second World War. Taking other core samples featured in my book, including iron in Liberia, we see Interior players with important, even catalytic roles. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Lansdell K. Christie, a New York businessman and an ‘old friend’ of Liberian president William Tubman, helped the third largest steel company in the United States, Republic Steel, acquire a Liberian iron mining concession that yielded 1,250,000 tons of ore annually by 1953. What guided Christie to the region was a report by Thomas P. Thayer, a member of the Interior Department’s US Geological Survey. An
室内的适当位置:对泰勒·普里斯特的回应
泰勒·普里斯特在全球矿产流动和海上石油作业的历史方面著述广泛,令人信服。他最近把注意力转向了我的书《全球内部》。在他的评论中,普里斯特坚持认为我大大夸大了内政部对全球矿产开采的重要性,指出了比例和证据问题。对于前者,普里斯特让人们注意到参与开采矿物的众多运营商,包括那些在世界上开采最多的运营商。然而,我的论点不是,也从来都不是内政部是在世界各地挖掘矿物的最重要的实体。我过去和现在都坚持该部门在创造有利于在包括土著土地、正式领土、外国、海洋和外层空间在内的广泛范围内采矿的条件方面的作用的重要性。对这些活动的关注有助于通过其基本矛盾来解开美国例外主义的神话:该部门公开宣布一个狭隘的形象,但却帮助美国在“外部”地区投射力量(第4页)——他承认这个故事“可能值得讲述”。虽然我提出的问题与Priest在他的评论中提出的问题完全不同,但我很高兴在他设定的关于矿物流动的参数范围内澄清我的想法。我们在权力上的特殊优势是这场分歧的核心利害所在。普里斯特认为我对内政部数据的关注被误导了。他面临的问题是比例问题。对于普里斯特来说,他们的作用微不足道。真正的采购故事围绕着更重要的参与者:商人、金融中介机构和公司。它们的重要性在于它们筹集的资金(无论是通过政府拨款还是财政意愿),以及它们通过资源咨询委员会、军方和国务院等强大机构“制定政策”的地位。普里斯特自己对重要的巴西钢铁工业的研究考察了采购机制的这些特点。在他的大部分评论中,他深入研究了巴西锰的案例,这在第二次世界大战中至关重要。以我书中提到的其他核心样本为例,包括利比里亚的铁,我们看到内部参与者发挥着重要的,甚至是催化作用。在20世纪40年代末和50年代初,纽约商人、利比里亚总统威廉·塔布曼(William Tubman)的“老朋友”兰斯戴尔·k·克里斯蒂(Lansdell K. Christie)帮助美国第三大钢铁公司共和国钢铁公司(Republic steel)收购了利比里亚的一个铁矿开采权,到1953年,该公司的铁矿石年产量达到125万吨。引导克里斯蒂前往该地区的是美国内政部地质调查局成员托马斯·p·塞耶的一份报告。一个
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来源期刊
Cold War History
Cold War History Multiple-
CiteScore
1.00
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48
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