Big states and little independence movements

Gerry van Klinken
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Abstract The violence military-backed militias perpetrated on the East Timorese in 1999 illustrates the fundamental character of the Indonesian state: it is not merely non-democratic but also highly centralized. Both these characteristics were imprinted on the state by its late nineteenth century colonial origins. Efforts to both democratize and decentralize the state during the post-independence 1950s were undone by key state elites led by the military under Suharto. However, the separation of East Timor from Indonesia indicates a victory for the local that may well become a trend around Indonesia. While East Timor never legally belonged to the Indonesian state, its independence movement was driven by grievances that are shared by many other communities throughout Indonesia's periphery. Central state elites view these local movements in terms of “breakdown,” but at the local level they are seen as hopeful alternatives. It is not necessary to romanticize all local movements—elements of them are xenophobic, violent, and corrupt. But these elements are usually balanced by responsible and non-violent groups inspired by the search for a state that serves more human ends.
大国家和小独立运动
1999年军方支持的民兵对东帝汶人实施的暴力表明了印度尼西亚国家的基本特征:它不仅是非民主的,而且高度集中。这两个特点都是19世纪晚期的殖民起源给这个州留下的印记。在独立后的20世纪50年代,国家民主化和权力下放的努力被苏哈托领导下的军方领导的关键国家精英所破坏。然而,东帝汶从印度尼西亚分离出来表明了当地人的胜利,这很可能成为印度尼西亚周围的一种趋势。虽然东帝汶在法律上从未属于印度尼西亚国家,但其独立运动是由印度尼西亚周边许多其他社区共同的不满所推动的。中央政府的精英们将这些地方运动视为“崩溃”,但在地方层面上,它们被视为有希望的替代方案。没有必要把所有的地方运动都浪漫化——它们的元素是仇外的、暴力的和腐败的。但这些因素通常由负责任和非暴力的团体来平衡,这些团体受到寻求一个更人性化的国家的启发。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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