Power Without Knowledge: Three Nineteenth Century Colonialisms in South Africa

K. Breckenridge
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引用次数: 11

Abstract

Over the last three decades, scholars of empire have established a very intimate connection between archival knowledge and colonial rule. The works of Franz Fanon on the psychological effects of colonial rule, Michel Foucault on discursive regimes of truth in the making of modernity, and Edward Said on the politics of European scholarly engagement with colonial cultures have underwritten a vast new literature on the intellectual motives of empire. As James Scott observed twenty-five years ago, modern colonialism exercised power as much “in paperwork as in rifles”. The connections here between western knowledge, writing, record-keeping and racist over-rule are intimate. Humble grammarians, philologists and historians have been accorded new imperial significance in these accounts, many of which are preoccupied with the direct links between the politics of writing (and archiving) itself and European colonial supremacy. The great scope and power of these studies has tended to obscure a question that I would like to consider in this article: Was colonial over-rule possible without knowledge? Here my question is not simply whether colonial governments could function with faulty or uncomprehending informational systems, which the British in India evidently managed in the decades leading up to the Rebellion. Rather it is whether the acts of archival government—of gathering and preserving knowledge about the colony and its peoples, and documenting the practice of government—were a necessary part of imperialism in the nineteenth century. I want to make the case here that the nineteenth century history of south Africa shows that imperialism could function quite well without knowledge—at least of the kinds of knowledge regimes that Foucault and Said have studied so productively. In the Transvaal and in the Colony of Natal in the second half of the nineteenth century two explicitly illiberal, anti-utilitarian, undocumented governments were at work. I think, although I do not show it here, that in the making of the Union and Apartheid in the next century, each of these probably held more local influence over individuals (whites and blacks) than the rump of utilitarianism that remained in the Cape Colony.
无知的权力:19世纪南非的三个殖民主义
在过去的三十年里,研究帝国的学者在档案知识和殖民统治之间建立了非常密切的联系。弗朗茨·法农(Franz Fanon)关于殖民统治的心理影响的著作,米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)关于现代性形成过程中真理的话语体制的著作,以及爱德华·赛义德(Edward Said)关于欧洲学术与殖民文化接触的政治的著作,为有关帝国的智力动机的大量新文学提供了担保。正如詹姆斯•斯科特(James Scott) 25年前所观察到的那样,现代殖民主义“在文书工作上和在步枪上”一样行使权力。在这里,西方知识、写作、记录和种族主义统治之间的联系是密切的。卑微的语法学家、语言学家和历史学家在这些叙述中被赋予了新的帝国意义,其中许多人专注于写作(和存档)本身的政治与欧洲殖民霸权之间的直接联系。这些研究的巨大范围和力量往往掩盖了我想在本文中考虑的一个问题:在没有知识的情况下,殖民统治是否可能?在这里,我的问题不仅仅是殖民政府是否能够在错误的或不理解的信息系统下运作,在印度的英国人在叛乱前的几十年里显然做到了这一点。更确切地说,问题在于档案政府的行为——收集和保存有关殖民地及其人民的知识,以及记录政府的运作——在19世纪是否是帝国主义的必要组成部分。我想在这里说明的是,19世纪南非的历史表明,帝国主义在没有知识的情况下也能很好地运作——至少在福柯和赛义德卓有成效地研究过的那种知识体制下是如此。19世纪下半叶,在德兰士瓦省和纳塔尔殖民地,有两个明显不自由、反功利、没有证件的政府在起作用。我认为,虽然我没有在这里展示,在下个世纪,在联邦和种族隔离的形成过程中,这些因素中的每一个对个人(白人和黑人)的影响可能都比在开普殖民地遗留下来的功利主义的残余更大。
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