The reflexes of the Proto-Jingpho glides in modern Jingpho dialects

IF 0.4 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Keita Kurabe
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

The aim of this paper is two-fold: (i) to investigate the reflexes of the Proto-Jingpho initial glides in modern Jingpho dialects based on sound correspondences between them; and (ii) to discuss vowel developments conditioned by proto-glides. The main findings of this paper can be summarized as follows: (a) the proto-initial *w- has developed into y- in Standard Jingpho and Nkhum before proto-front vowels; (b) the proto-initial *ʔw- before proto-front vowels became ʔy- in Standard Jingpho, Nkhum and Gauri, but disappeared in Duleng, Dingga, Numphuk and Turung; (c) the proto-initial *ʔw- and *ʔy- before non-front vowels have developed into w- and y-, respectively, in Duleng, Dingga, Numphuk and Turung; (d) the proto-bilabial glides, *w- and *ʔw-, sporadically raised the following vowel *-a to -o in Gauri; (e) the proto-palatal glides, *y- and *ʔy-, raised and fronted the following vowel *-a to -e in Gauri and partially in Numphuk and Turung; (f) the proto-medial *-y- raised the following vowel *-e to -i in Dingga.
原景佛语在现代景佛语方言中的反射
本文的目的有两方面:(1)从现代景佛方言的语音对应性出发,考察景佛方言原景佛语首滑音的反射;(ii)讨论由原滑音制约的元音发展。本文的主要发现如下:(a)在标准景语和Nkhum语中,原韵母*w-在原前元音之前发展为y-;(b)在标准景福语、恩库姆语和高里语中,原元音* * w-在原前元音变为* * y-之前,但在都棱语、定嘎语、南普克语和图灵语中消失;(c)在都棱、定嘎、楠普克和图隆地区,非前元音前的原音* * w-和* * y-分别发展为w-和y-;(d)原双音节滑音,*w-和* *w-,在高利语中偶尔将下面的元音*-a升到-o;(e)原始腭滑音,*y-和* * *y-,在Gauri语和部分在Numphuk和Turung语中,将下面的元音*-a抬高并前置到-e;(f)原音*-y-将Dingga中后面的元音*-e升为-i。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
15
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