Meaning and power in a Southeast Asian realm . By Shelly Errington. pp. xiv, 322, 6 pl., 2 maps. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1989. US $35.00.

R. Ellen
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Abstract

course highly pertinent to theoretical discussions in contemporary anthropology. It will not, however, be considered here, since it is by its contribution to understanding Islam in Java rather than by comments on its general methodology that the book will be judged. The case against Geertz that Woodward politely makes is devastating, so much so that it causes our previous acceptance of Geertz's ideas to appear embarrassingly naive. Did we really believe in those neat divisions, santri, orthodox, pious Muslim, and abangan, animistic, nominal Muslim? The answer is of course that a lot of us did, because Geertz wrote so persuasively and authoritatively, with such obvious good sense. Even when his ideas did come in for a severe scrutiny, we tended to play down the criticisms. Now after Woodward's convincing demonstration that the religious set of practices and beliefs, which Geertz mistook as indicating only minimal adherence to Islam on the part of the abangan, is in fact profoundly imbued with Muslim ideas and principles which have developed in a line of direct continuity of Muslim Sufi traditions, we must rethink our position. The demonstration is conducted by a painstaking and meticulous analysis of texts — the neglect of texts is something Geertz is taken to task for and ritual performances which are found to be significant and important in Yogyakarta. The latter has in the eyes of scholars, particularly since the spread of Geertz's influential ideas, been associated with that Hindu-Javanese set of beliefs and practices which in the Indonesian context are considered to be most remote from orthodox Islam. To show, then, as Woodward dramatically does, that the intellectual pedigree of court ritual, the regular pilgrimages to ancestral graves, the critical historical texts and even the wayang shadow play itself, is traceable not to Hindu-Javanese beliefs, but to Islamic traditions is an extraordinary tour deforce, far-ranging in its scope and breathtaking in its assertions. Of course a critique such as Woodward's invites, and, indeed, from its tone would appear to welcome, critical response. There is not the space here to dwell on the details that such responses might take. The philologists will argue over the interpretation of the crucial textual passages; the historians may quarrel about the weight attached to certain events; and the anthropologists are certain to ask questions about the status and persuasion of Woodward's informants and their analysis of ritual symbolism. That is as it should be. For the moment, however, the account given here, so conscientiously fashioned from the materials of both anthropological and historical studies, must surely supersede anything else we have outside Indonesia as an introduction to understanding Islam in central Java.
东南亚领域的意义和力量。Shelly Errington著。第xiv、322、6页,2张地图。新泽西州普林斯顿,普林斯顿大学出版社,1989年。35.00美元。
课程与当代人类学的理论讨论高度相关。但是,这里不考虑它,因为评判这本书的标准是它对理解爪哇伊斯兰教的贡献,而不是对它的一般方法论的评论。伍德沃德礼貌地提出的反对格尔茨的理由是毁灭性的,以至于它让我们之前对格尔茨观点的接受显得天真得令人尴尬。我们真的相信那些泾渭分明的区分吗,正统的虔诚穆斯林和泛灵论的名义穆斯林?答案当然是,我们很多人都这么做了,因为格尔茨写得如此有说服力和权威,有着如此明显的判断力。即使他的想法受到严格审查,我们也倾向于淡化批评。现在,在伍德沃德令人信服地证明了宗教实践和信仰的集合之后,格尔茨错误地认为这只是表明阿班甘对伊斯兰教的最低限度的坚持,实际上深刻地融入了穆斯林的思想和原则,这些思想和原则是在穆斯林苏菲派传统的直接连续性中发展起来的,我们必须重新思考我们的立场。演示是通过对文本进行细致入微的分析进行的-对文本的忽视是Geertz被指责的原因,而仪式表演在日惹被认为是重要的。在学者们看来,特别是自从格尔茨有影响力的思想传播以来,后者一直与印度教-爪哇人的一套信仰和习俗联系在一起,而在印度尼西亚的背景下,这些信仰和习俗被认为是与正统伊斯兰教最遥远的。因此,伍德沃德戏剧性地表明,宫廷仪式的知识谱系、对祖先坟墓的定期朝圣、重要的历史文本,甚至是wayang皮影戏本身,都不是追溯到印度教-爪哇信仰,而是追溯到伊斯兰传统,这是一次非凡的巡回演出,其范围之广,主张之惊人。当然,像伍德沃德这样的批评,实际上,从其语气来看,似乎是欢迎批评性的回应。这里没有篇幅详述这种反应可能需要的细节。语言学家会争论对关键文本段落的解释;历史学家可能会对某些事件的重要性争论不休;人类学家肯定会质疑伍德沃德的线人的地位和说服力,以及他们对仪式象征主义的分析。这是应该的。然而,就目前而言,这里给出的描述,是如此认真地从人类学和历史研究的材料中塑造出来的,肯定会取代我们在印度尼西亚以外的任何东西,作为了解爪哇中部伊斯兰教的介绍。
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