What is in a name? Ghanaian Personal Names as Information Sources

O. A. Adjah
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引用次数: 10

Abstract

Introduction Naming is a universal cultural practice and in every society, names are given to children at birth. According to Wegryn (2008), a name is of distinction, chosen, conferred and announced. However, the way names are given, reasons for choice of particular names and the rituals involved in naming, vary from society to society. Birth is regarded among most African societies as the beginning of the rites of passage, which comprise birth, puberty, marriage and death, and all these are celebrated to show their significance. Among most Ghanaian communities, the newborn baby is kept away from public view for seven days and brought out on the eighth day during what is called the "outdooring ceremony". In southern Ghana, the ethnic communities of the Akan, Ewe, and Ga observe the outdooring ceremony on the eighth day, as they believe that babies remain attached to the spirit world for the first seven days. Therefore, if a baby should pass away prior to the outdooring, there is usually no mourning. If the baby survives until the eighth day, then it is assumed that the baby has come to "stay," is worthy to be called a person, and therefore is given a name (Opoku, 1978). In effect, the baby is announced, proclaimed, named and initiated into life. A name makes the child a member of the family and society. According to Opoku (1978), it is as if to say a "stranger" has become a full member of the family and has its own name. In other words, the "child's humanness and identity is confirmed with the symbolism of a name" (Ansu-Kyeremeh, 2000, p. 24). Therefore, if the baby survives the first seven days, very early in the morning of the eighth day, the baby is brought outdoors for the first time and given a name. Names and Naming Systems Names and naming systems have attracted scholarly attention. Scholars have looked at various ethnic groups that make up the rich Ghanaian culture namely among the Tallensi (Fortes, 1955), Ewe (Egblewogbe, 1987), Ga (Odotei, 1989), Bono (Ansu-Kyeremeh, 2000), Dagomba (Kropp Dakubu, 2000), and Akan (Agyekum, 2006) to show the structure, significance and communicative values of personal names. Based on the theory that there is a strong interface between a people's language and their cultural practices, Agyekum (2006) argues that the Akan personal name system and practice is a marker of a people's belief, ideology, religion, culture, philosophy and thought. According to Egblewogbe (1987), personal names are intimately associated with various events in the life of an individual, the family or the society as a whole. Ansu-Kyeremeh (2000) adds that personal names support human interaction as a medium for communication (see also Odotei 1989 and Kropp Dakubu 2000). This paper builds on these ideas by arguing that Ghanaian personal names, as sources of information, provide substantial insight about the circumstances surrounding an individual's conception and birth. It draws examples, mostly, from among the Ewe, Ga and Akan. Methodology The paper employs a secondary data research approach, which involves the summary and analysis of existing research, giving findings a new and different meaning in information science. The paper also draws on personal observation and knowledge, discussions I had with bearers or parents of the bearers of names that were thought provoking, as well as on findings by other scholars who have conducted research into personal names. Constructionist meta-theory Personal names are a rich source of information in society disseminating information both in the written and oral form. Turner (2010) comments that in information science, we are concerned with information yet no framework exists for discovering how orality conveys information. According to the social constructionist meta-theory, knowledge emerges through writing, action and by talking (Holland, 2005; Mackenzie, 2005). Social constructionist research also focuses explicitly on how information is constructed and made available in oral modes or by talking (Turner, 2010). …
名字里有什么?加纳人名作为信息来源
起名是一种普遍的文化习俗,在每个社会中,孩子出生时就给他们起名字。根据Wegryn(2008)的说法,一个名字是有区别的,经过选择、授予和宣布的。然而,命名的方式,选择特定名称的原因以及命名所涉及的仪式因社会而异。在大多数非洲社会中,出生被视为成人仪式的开始,成人仪式包括出生、青春期、结婚和死亡,所有这些仪式都被庆祝以显示其重要性。在大多数加纳社区,新生婴儿要远离公众视线七天,第八天在所谓的“户外仪式”中被带出来。在加纳南部,Akan, Ewe和Ga等少数民族社区在第八天举行户外仪式,因为他们相信婴儿在最初的七天里与精神世界保持联系。因此,如果一个婴儿应该在户外之前去世,通常没有哀悼。如果婴儿存活到第八天,那么假定婴儿已经“留下来”,值得被称为一个人,因此被赋予一个名字(Opoku, 1978)。实际上,婴儿是被宣告、宣告、命名并开始生命的。名字使孩子成为家庭和社会的一员。根据Opoku(1978)的说法,这就好像说一个“陌生人”已经成为家庭的正式成员,并且有了自己的名字。换句话说,“孩子的人性和身份被一个名字的象征主义所证实”(Ansu-Kyeremeh, 2000, p. 24)。因此,如果婴儿在头七天存活下来,在第八天的清晨,婴儿第一次被带到户外,并给他起名字。名称和命名系统名称和命名系统引起了学术界的关注。学者们研究了构成加纳丰富文化的各个民族,即Tallensi (Fortes, 1955)、Ewe (Egblewogbe, 1987)、Ga (Odotei, 1989)、Bono (Ansu-Kyeremeh, 2000)、Dagomba (Kropp Dakubu, 2000)和Akan (Agyekum, 2006),以展示人名的结构、意义和交际价值。Agyekum(2006)认为,一个民族的语言和他们的文化习俗之间存在着很强的界面,基于这一理论,他认为阿坎人的姓名系统和习俗是一个民族的信仰、意识形态、宗教、文化、哲学和思想的标志。根据Egblewogbe(1987)的观点,人名与个人、家庭或整个社会生活中的各种事件密切相关。Ansu-Kyeremeh(2000)补充说,人名作为一种沟通媒介支持人类互动(参见Odotei 1989和Kropp Dakubu 2000)。本文以这些观点为基础,论证了加纳人的姓名作为信息来源,提供了有关个人受孕和出生情况的实质性见解。它主要从Ewe, Ga和Akan中选取了例子。本文采用二手数据研究方法,对现有研究进行总结和分析,使研究结果在信息科学中具有新的和不同的意义。这篇论文还借鉴了我个人的观察和知识,以及我与姓名持有者或姓名持有者的父母进行的发人深省的讨论,以及其他对姓名进行研究的学者的发现。个人姓名是社会中丰富的信息来源,既传播书面信息,也传播口头信息。Turner(2010)评论说,在信息科学中,我们关注的是信息,但没有框架来发现口头如何传达信息。根据社会建构主义元理论,知识通过书写、行动和谈话产生(Holland, 2005;麦肯齐,2005)。社会建构主义研究也明确地关注信息是如何构建的,并通过口头模式或谈话获得(Turner, 2010)。…
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