{"title":"Pathways to Statehood—A Commentary on Secession and the Sovereignty Game: Strategy and Tactics for Aspiring Nations by Ryan D. Griffiths","authors":"Argyro Kartsonaki","doi":"10.1080/17449057.2022.2124675","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In his magni fi cent book Secession and the Sovereignty Game, Ryan D. Grif fi ths (2021) captures everything one needs to know about the strategy and the tactics of secessionist movements. It is a book about the sovereignty game, its setting and basic rules, what seces-sionists can try to achieve within its context, and how they go about it. Through rigorous mixed methods research, Grif fi ths develops a compelling argument about the tactics seces-sionists employ in their attempts to achieve the ultimate goal of every secessionist group — admittance to the club of independent states. Grif fi ths ’ main argument revolves around the strategy and the tactics of secession. He is brave enough to declare that the strategic fi eld of secession is the same for all secessionist groups. This is not an easy argument to pull off. But indeed there is one international system, one UN, and one goal: international recognition. Other outcomes are secondary options secessionists are forced to accept in lieu of the best-case scenario. The main hurdle any secessionist movement must jump on its path to independent statehood is to convince the home state to consent to its secession. Without this consent, admittance to the club of sovereign states is nearly impossible. Theoretically, there could be another way. The aspiring state could bypass the home state and try to secure international recognition in the form of UN membership through the international community. This would involve convincing at least nine of the fi fteen member states of the UN Security Council to approve admission to the organisation, without any vetoes from the fi ve permanent members. Then the application would also have to be approved by a two-thirds majority of the General Assembly. Although theoretically plausible, history has shown","PeriodicalId":46452,"journal":{"name":"Ethnopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2022-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethnopolitics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2022.2124675","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ETHNIC STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
In his magni fi cent book Secession and the Sovereignty Game, Ryan D. Grif fi ths (2021) captures everything one needs to know about the strategy and the tactics of secessionist movements. It is a book about the sovereignty game, its setting and basic rules, what seces-sionists can try to achieve within its context, and how they go about it. Through rigorous mixed methods research, Grif fi ths develops a compelling argument about the tactics seces-sionists employ in their attempts to achieve the ultimate goal of every secessionist group — admittance to the club of independent states. Grif fi ths ’ main argument revolves around the strategy and the tactics of secession. He is brave enough to declare that the strategic fi eld of secession is the same for all secessionist groups. This is not an easy argument to pull off. But indeed there is one international system, one UN, and one goal: international recognition. Other outcomes are secondary options secessionists are forced to accept in lieu of the best-case scenario. The main hurdle any secessionist movement must jump on its path to independent statehood is to convince the home state to consent to its secession. Without this consent, admittance to the club of sovereign states is nearly impossible. Theoretically, there could be another way. The aspiring state could bypass the home state and try to secure international recognition in the form of UN membership through the international community. This would involve convincing at least nine of the fi fteen member states of the UN Security Council to approve admission to the organisation, without any vetoes from the fi ve permanent members. Then the application would also have to be approved by a two-thirds majority of the General Assembly. Although theoretically plausible, history has shown