THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY

IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS
James A. Harris
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

Abstract My point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.
富人对抗穷人的保护&亚当·斯密政治经济学的政治学
摘要本文的出发点是史密斯对政府的定义。“民事政府,”他写道,“就其建立是为了财产安全而言,实际上是为了保护富人免受穷人的伤害,或者是为了保护那些拥有一些财产的人免受那些根本没有财产的人的伤害。”。我认为,在史密斯看来,这始终是政府职责的一部分。然后,我转向一个问题,根据史密斯的说法,我们的州长可以做些什么来保护富人的财富免受穷人的怨恨。我认为,史密斯可能会将教育视为减轻穷人对贫困的怨恨的一种手段,但我拒绝这种想法。然后,我描述了史密斯在他的法学讲座中是如何完善和发展休谟的所有政府所依据的观点分类法的。根据史密斯的说法,对政府的忠诚感是由对自然形式的权威的本能尊重以及对效用的理性、辉格党人的考虑形成的。我认为,正是权威原则提供了政府主要依赖的忠诚感。因此,我认为,史密斯指望政府保护富人的财产不受穷人的伤害,从而维护整个社会的和平与稳定,他不可能试图减轻普通人天生的顺从情绪。此外,我还考虑了史密斯政府理论对他对贫困的总体态度问题的影响。我反对这样一种观点,即史密斯对如何对待穷人有着明显的“自由主义”、进步主义观点。相反,我把史密斯定位在他那个时代辉格党的政治文化中。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Social Philosophy and Policy is an interdisciplinary journal with an emphasis on the philosophical underpinnings of enduring social policy debates. The issues are thematic in format, examining a specific area of concern with contributions from scholars in different disciplines, especially philosophy, economics, political science and law. While not primarily a journal of policy prescriptions, some articles in each issue will typically connect theory with practice. The 2006 issues are "Justice and Global Politics" and "Taxation, Economic Prosperity, and Distributive Justice". The 2007 issues will be "Liberalism: Old and New" and "Ancient Greek Political Theory".
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