Comparative Health Systems: A New Framework

IF 2.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
P. Mattei
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Americanization of the Italian welfare state, amid the timid protests of part of the labour movement. The distributive effects of fiscal welfare in Italy are studied by Figari and Matsaganis (chapter X) through EUROMOD simulations. The overall verdict is merciless: with regard to all tax expenditures, the poorest households (1 decile) receive 3% of the total, the wealthiest ones (10 decile) as much as 15%; that is, five times as much. Regressivity is not, however, equally distributed by social policy. The biggest offender is housing policy, where the ratio of benefits received by the wealthy vis-à-vis the poor is 10 to 1. Family benefits are instead mildly progressive and income support for workers mainly benefits the middle classes. The latter finding points to one of the major shortcomings of tax expenditures: those households, overwhelmingly poor, that pay no personal income taxes due to insufficient earnings are by default excluded from the majority of fiscal welfare measures. As for the volume’s final aim, Natili and Jessoula (chapter VI) provide a summary of the ‘quiet’ politics underpinning the expansion of fiscal welfare. Changes in tax expenditures are first and foremost difficult to trace, due to their technical nature and the need for only marginal legislative interventions, such as modifying obscure articles within yearly budget laws. This implies that the salience of such measures is low, as opposed to the fierce public debates that erupt around pensions or healthcare, and that the fora where fiscal welfare is debated are dominated by the technocrats of the finance ministry rather than by officials dealing with labour and social affairs. In sum, the impressive array of contributions assembled by Jessoula and Pavolini may become a key reference for Italian welfare state studies. Conceiving the volume as a point of departure for further research, I see three main avenues for improvement. First, more effort should be directed towards defining where fiscal welfare’s external boundaries lie and why. At times, the reader has the impression that the concept is excessively stretched. Second, tax expenditures should be studied within a European multilevel governance context. How has the expansion of tax allowances interacted with the rules set by the (now suspended) Stability and Growth Pact? Was it a deliberate strategy to shake off the shackles of externally-imposed austerity? Third, and related to the previous point, shedding social for fiscal welfare may be conceptualized as a novel type of obfuscation tactic, one aimed not at retrenching welfare, but paradoxically at expanding it.
比较卫生系统:一个新的框架
在部分劳工运动的胆怯抗议中,意大利福利国家的美国化。Figari和Matsaganis(第十章)通过EUROMOD模拟研究了意大利财政福利的分配效应。总体判断是无情的:就所有税收支出而言,最贫穷的家庭(十分之一)获得总额的3%,最富有的家庭(十分之一)高达15%;也就是说,是原来的五倍。然而,社会政策并没有平等地分配遗憾。最大的违规者是住房政策,富人与穷人获得的福利比例为10比1。相反,家庭福利是适度累进的,对工人的收入支持主要惠及中产阶级。后一项发现指出了税收支出的一个主要缺点:那些由于收入不足而不缴纳个人所得税的家庭,绝大多数是穷人,默认情况下被排除在大多数财政福利措施之外。至于本卷的最终目标,纳蒂利和杰苏拉(第六章)总结了支撑财政福利扩张的“安静”政治。税收支出的变化首先很难追踪,因为其技术性质和只需要边际立法干预,例如修改年度预算法中晦涩难懂的条款。这意味着,与围绕养老金或医疗保健爆发的激烈公开辩论相比,这些措施的重要性很低,而且辩论财政福利的论坛由财政部的技术官僚主导,而不是由处理劳工和社会事务的官员主导。总之,Jessoula和Pavolini的一系列令人印象深刻的贡献可能会成为意大利福利国家研究的重要参考。将该卷视为进一步研究的出发点,我认为有三条主要的改进途径。首先,应该更加努力地确定财政福利的外部边界在哪里以及为什么。有时,读者会觉得这个概念被过度拉伸了。其次,应在欧洲多层次治理的背景下研究税收支出。免税额的扩大与(现已暂停的)《稳定与增长公约》制定的规则有何互动?这是一种有意摆脱外部紧缩束缚的策略吗?第三,与前一点相关的是,为了财政福利而削减社会福利可能被概念化为一种新型的模糊策略,其目的不是紧缩福利,而是矛盾地扩大福利。
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来源期刊
Contemporary Italian Politics
Contemporary Italian Politics Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.
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