{"title":"Comparative Health Systems: A New Framework","authors":"P. Mattei","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2201467","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Americanization of the Italian welfare state, amid the timid protests of part of the labour movement. The distributive effects of fiscal welfare in Italy are studied by Figari and Matsaganis (chapter X) through EUROMOD simulations. The overall verdict is merciless: with regard to all tax expenditures, the poorest households (1 decile) receive 3% of the total, the wealthiest ones (10 decile) as much as 15%; that is, five times as much. Regressivity is not, however, equally distributed by social policy. The biggest offender is housing policy, where the ratio of benefits received by the wealthy vis-à-vis the poor is 10 to 1. Family benefits are instead mildly progressive and income support for workers mainly benefits the middle classes. The latter finding points to one of the major shortcomings of tax expenditures: those households, overwhelmingly poor, that pay no personal income taxes due to insufficient earnings are by default excluded from the majority of fiscal welfare measures. As for the volume’s final aim, Natili and Jessoula (chapter VI) provide a summary of the ‘quiet’ politics underpinning the expansion of fiscal welfare. Changes in tax expenditures are first and foremost difficult to trace, due to their technical nature and the need for only marginal legislative interventions, such as modifying obscure articles within yearly budget laws. This implies that the salience of such measures is low, as opposed to the fierce public debates that erupt around pensions or healthcare, and that the fora where fiscal welfare is debated are dominated by the technocrats of the finance ministry rather than by officials dealing with labour and social affairs. In sum, the impressive array of contributions assembled by Jessoula and Pavolini may become a key reference for Italian welfare state studies. Conceiving the volume as a point of departure for further research, I see three main avenues for improvement. First, more effort should be directed towards defining where fiscal welfare’s external boundaries lie and why. At times, the reader has the impression that the concept is excessively stretched. Second, tax expenditures should be studied within a European multilevel governance context. How has the expansion of tax allowances interacted with the rules set by the (now suspended) Stability and Growth Pact? Was it a deliberate strategy to shake off the shackles of externally-imposed austerity? Third, and related to the previous point, shedding social for fiscal welfare may be conceptualized as a novel type of obfuscation tactic, one aimed not at retrenching welfare, but paradoxically at expanding it.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"386 - 388"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Contemporary Italian Politics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2201467","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
Americanization of the Italian welfare state, amid the timid protests of part of the labour movement. The distributive effects of fiscal welfare in Italy are studied by Figari and Matsaganis (chapter X) through EUROMOD simulations. The overall verdict is merciless: with regard to all tax expenditures, the poorest households (1 decile) receive 3% of the total, the wealthiest ones (10 decile) as much as 15%; that is, five times as much. Regressivity is not, however, equally distributed by social policy. The biggest offender is housing policy, where the ratio of benefits received by the wealthy vis-à-vis the poor is 10 to 1. Family benefits are instead mildly progressive and income support for workers mainly benefits the middle classes. The latter finding points to one of the major shortcomings of tax expenditures: those households, overwhelmingly poor, that pay no personal income taxes due to insufficient earnings are by default excluded from the majority of fiscal welfare measures. As for the volume’s final aim, Natili and Jessoula (chapter VI) provide a summary of the ‘quiet’ politics underpinning the expansion of fiscal welfare. Changes in tax expenditures are first and foremost difficult to trace, due to their technical nature and the need for only marginal legislative interventions, such as modifying obscure articles within yearly budget laws. This implies that the salience of such measures is low, as opposed to the fierce public debates that erupt around pensions or healthcare, and that the fora where fiscal welfare is debated are dominated by the technocrats of the finance ministry rather than by officials dealing with labour and social affairs. In sum, the impressive array of contributions assembled by Jessoula and Pavolini may become a key reference for Italian welfare state studies. Conceiving the volume as a point of departure for further research, I see three main avenues for improvement. First, more effort should be directed towards defining where fiscal welfare’s external boundaries lie and why. At times, the reader has the impression that the concept is excessively stretched. Second, tax expenditures should be studied within a European multilevel governance context. How has the expansion of tax allowances interacted with the rules set by the (now suspended) Stability and Growth Pact? Was it a deliberate strategy to shake off the shackles of externally-imposed austerity? Third, and related to the previous point, shedding social for fiscal welfare may be conceptualized as a novel type of obfuscation tactic, one aimed not at retrenching welfare, but paradoxically at expanding it.
期刊介绍:
Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.