Parliamentary sovereignty and the protocol pincer

IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW
Legal Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI:10.1017/lst.2022.22
Anurag Deb
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Abstract It is May 2030 and Stormont heads into its fourth Assembly election in eight years. Voters walk past election posters loudly praising and denouncing the Northern Ireland Protocol. As with the other Assembly elections since Brexit, the Protocol occupies centre-stage. Voters are under no delusion: the new Assembly will be as polarised as ever, no matter its party-political make-up. The legal backdrop to this (not entirely unfeasible) future is complex: the UK's Withdrawal Agreement has meant the emergence of a regulatory border between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The consequences which flow from this have been swift and myriad: trade barriers and social unrest, barely a year after withdrawal. The focus of this paper, however, is the impact of these changes on the UK constitution. I will examine two landmark judgments of the UK Supreme Court, applying the themes arising in these cases to the legislation which incorporated the Protocol into UK domestic law. In so doing, I will argue that, far from ‘taking back control’, the UK Parliament has instead erected significant new barriers to its ability to ‘make or unmake any law whatever’ for the whole of the UK.
议会主权和礼宾钳子
摘要现在是2030年5月,斯托蒙特将迎来八年来的第四次议会选举。选民们走过大声赞扬和谴责《北爱尔兰议定书》的选举海报。与英国脱欧以来的其他议会选举一样,《议定书》占据了中心舞台。选民们没有妄想:无论政党政治构成如何,新议会都将一如既往地两极分化。这个(并非完全不可行)未来的法律背景是复杂的:英国的《退出协议》意味着大不列颠和北爱尔兰之间出现了监管边界。由此产生的后果是迅速而深远的:贸易壁垒和社会动荡,仅仅在撤军一年后。然而,本文的重点是这些变化对英国宪法的影响。我将审查英国最高法院的两项具有里程碑意义的判决,将这些案件中出现的主题应用于将《议定书》纳入英国国内法的立法。在这样做的过程中,我认为,英国议会非但没有“夺回控制权”,反而为其为整个英国“制定或取消任何法律”的能力设置了重大的新障碍。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
38
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