King Mob and Contempt of Congress

IF 0.2 Q4 LAW
Joshua T. Carback
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Abstract

Abstract The aftershocks of the riot at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, continue to ripple through the American public square. The United States Department of Justice brought over 750 criminal charges against the assailants. The United States House of Representatives appointed a Select Committee to investigate the riot. And the public continues to discuss the meaning of January 6 as these criminal prosecutions continue and the House's investigation concludes. Although this is the first time in American history that a mob actually breached the Capitol, riots and insurrections attempting to overawe parliamentary bodies on their own grounds are well precedented in the Anglo-American legal tradition. The purpose of this article is to provide historical context for affrays like the Trump Riot of January 6 and provide a framework for how legislatures should respond. Parliamentary precedents on both sides of the Atlantic prove that anyone who riots at the legislature is in contempt of parliamentary privilege. The legislature can refer such contempt to the executive for criminal prosecution. In egregious cases, however, the legislature should not hesitate to vindicate itself by using its own contempt power. The legislature should appoint a joint select committee or independent commission to investigate and hold those politically responsible to account. There may be cases when an officer or an agent of the executive provokes or incites a riot at the Capitol. The legislature must prevail in its efforts to bring them in for a hearing and compel them to produce discovery. Of the three coordinate branches of the federal government the legislature is first among equals. Parliamentary privilege must therefore trump executive privilege during an investigation of an assault on the national assembly. Any member of the executive who contemptuously incites a mob at the seat of government is liable for discipline under the inherent power of Congress.
国王暴民和藐视国会
摘要2021年1月6日美国国会大厦骚乱的余震继续波及美国公共广场。美国司法部对袭击者提出了750多项刑事指控。美国众议院任命了一个特别委员会来调查暴乱。公众继续讨论1月6日的意义,因为这些刑事起诉仍在继续,众议院的调查也在结束。尽管这是美国历史上第一次有暴徒闯入国会大厦,但在英美法律传统中,试图以自己的理由恐吓议会机构的骚乱和暴动是前所未见的。本文的目的是为1月6日特朗普暴乱等骚乱提供历史背景,并为立法机构应如何应对提供框架。大西洋两岸的议会先例证明,任何在立法机构暴乱的人都是对议会特权的蔑视。立法机构可以将这种藐视法庭的行为提交行政部门进行刑事起诉。然而,在极端情况下,立法机构应该毫不犹豫地利用自己的蔑视权力来证明自己的清白。立法机构应任命一个联合专责委员会或独立委员会进行调查,并追究政治责任人的责任。在某些情况下,行政部门的官员或代理人可能会在国会大厦煽动或煽动骚乱。立法机构必须说服他们参加听证会,并迫使他们出示证据。在联邦政府的三个协调机构中,立法机构是平等机构中的第一个。因此,在调查袭击国民议会事件时,议会特权必须胜过行政特权。根据国会的固有权力,任何在政府所在地轻蔑煽动暴徒的行政人员都有责任受到纪律处分。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
6
审稿时长
18 weeks
期刊介绍: The British Journal of American Legal Studies is a scholarly journal which publishes articles of interest to the Anglo-American legal community. Submissions are invited from academics and practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic on all aspects of constitutional law having relevance to the United States, including human rights, legal and political theory, socio-legal studies and legal history. International, comparative and interdisciplinary perspectives are particularly welcome. All submissions will be peer-refereed through anonymous referee processes.
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