{"title":"Past, Present, and Future in the Imaginary of Song Painting","authors":"R. Vinograd","doi":"10.3998/ars.13441566.0049.005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Arthistorical citation is one among several aspects of temporal orientation involving painting of the Song dynasty (960– 1279). Historiographic formulations, modern and historical, variously point to divisions between the Song and later eras of painting, recognitions of the new, and movement toward endpoints of development. Song court paintings may reference presentand futuredirected inaugurations, omen events, and dynastic legacies. Poetic paintings from many Song social arenas often convey passage through time and place. Song scholarofficials directly engaged the problematic of making painting poetic, producing complexly intermingled sequences of imagery and texts, of viewing and reading experiences, and of time, memory, and history within an aesthetic of indeterminacy. Discussions of arthistorical citation in painting of the Song dynasty (960– 1279) open onto broader questions of temporal orientation, both in historiographic discourse and in Song painting practices.1 The following notes explore three arenas of temporality in Song painting, beginning with a consideration of historiographic accounts and images of Songera painting, modern and historical, and evidence of historical consciousness in Song art writing. Examples of past, present, and futuredirectedness, primarily in Song court or dynastic painting, are followed by an account of issues of time, sequence, and experience implicated in poetrypainting conjunctions associated with Song scholarofficial or literati culture. Historiographic Imaginaries Max Loehr famously and aphoristically characterized Song painting in the following terms: “The Song painter, using his style as a tool, tackles the problem of how to depict mountains and water; the Yuan painter, using mountain and water as his media, tackles the problem of creating a style.”2 A few things must be noted, and probably questioned, about even so concise a formulation: the understanding of Song and Yuan (1279– 1368) as coherent, legible units, or objects of arthistorical analysis; the reduction of Song and Yuan painting at large to landscape painting; the interest in style and representation; and the problem/linkedsolution– centered The online version of this article includes digital features that enhance the print version. 62 ARS Orientalis 49 terminology that we might relate to theorists such as E.H. Gombrich and George Kubler in the period when Loehr was writing.3 In such ways we might historicize art history. We certainly could address the limitations of such formulations, whether by recognizing the continuities between Song and Yuan painting or by complicating the component elements of analysis, including not just landscape painting but also other modes and genres— BuddhistDaoist, courtlydynastic, scholarofficial— at the very least. We should also acknowledge, however, that some unitary conception of Song painting is not just a modern arthistorical or pedagogical construct. Such a conception appears in late imperial art discourses, as when Orthodoxschool painters and critics discuss the achievement of Great Synthesis (da cheng 大成) as some joining of conceptualized Song and Yuan qualities. To quote the version of this formulation by Wang Hui 王翬 (1632– 1717): “I must use the brush and ink of the Yuan to move the peaks and valleys of the Song, and infuse them with the qiyun breathresonance of the Tang [618– 907]. I shall then have a work of the Great Synthesis.”4 What Wang Hui meant by those dynastic/categorical terms was perhaps not so distant from Loehr’s understanding: some respective sense of Song representational primacy and Yuan formal/stylistic elements predominating (leaving the Tang aside in this context). As discussed in a recent study by Chenghua Wang, a related notion of the transition from Song to Yuan as a pivotal arthistorical point of division, with Song painting associated with a form of realism and Yuan painting with personal expression, also operated widely in the discourse of early twentiethcentury art and cultural politics.5 While the precise terms of period characterization might differ from era to era, the Song and postSong divide, to state it more broadly, does continue to operate in Chinesepainting studies at least on a macro level, with arthistorical art falling mostly on the postSong side of the divide. What is most commonly meant by postSong arthistorical painting is primarily rhetorical or dialectical uses of artistic identity or school formations outside the immediate environment of production, which can be combined, juxtaposed, or counterposed to form pictorial statements or positions that can be variously about art history itself, the formal elements of painting, or the values of interest groups or social classes. Even so broad a characterization risks downplaying significant strains of arthistorical painting in the Song. We can observe briefly, to reference several wellstudied cases, that some kinds of Song arthistorical art were conservative in the sense of reproductive (Huizong 宋徽宗, r. 1100– 1126, Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk; after Gu Hongzhong 顧閎中, 937– 975, Night Revels of Han Xizai), or were citational (Li Gonglin 李公麟, 1049– 1106, Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang), or at other times archaistic with rhetorical import (Qiao Zhongchang 喬仲常, active early 12th century, Illustration of Su Shi’s Latter ProsePoem on the Red Cliff; Li Gonglin, Mountain Dwelling), among other variants, the full range of which is obscured by the proportionally massive losses from the Song painting corpus. Indeed the very diversity of Song arthistorical painting, even in its fragmentary survivals, also may serve as a reminder that the analytical, rhetorical, or intellectual arthistorical painting of the Yuan and after was only one side of a broader and equally arthistorical painting that could range from continuations of inherited school practices to adept reproductions of old paintings, to the historical fabrications of the Suzhou pian 蘇州片 (Suzhou forgeries), which in their own way were allusive recombinations of old styles.6 We might think of these in vernacular terms as hard and soft versions of art historicism— relatively rigorous and deliberate on one side, relatively passively imitative on the other. Both the practice of arthistorical reference in painting and historical consciousness pervaded the Song in court and scholarofficial circles alike. Importantly, the Song was an era of","PeriodicalId":54021,"journal":{"name":"ARS Orientalis","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ARS Orientalis","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3998/ars.13441566.0049.005","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ART","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Arthistorical citation is one among several aspects of temporal orientation involving painting of the Song dynasty (960– 1279). Historiographic formulations, modern and historical, variously point to divisions between the Song and later eras of painting, recognitions of the new, and movement toward endpoints of development. Song court paintings may reference presentand futuredirected inaugurations, omen events, and dynastic legacies. Poetic paintings from many Song social arenas often convey passage through time and place. Song scholarofficials directly engaged the problematic of making painting poetic, producing complexly intermingled sequences of imagery and texts, of viewing and reading experiences, and of time, memory, and history within an aesthetic of indeterminacy. Discussions of arthistorical citation in painting of the Song dynasty (960– 1279) open onto broader questions of temporal orientation, both in historiographic discourse and in Song painting practices.1 The following notes explore three arenas of temporality in Song painting, beginning with a consideration of historiographic accounts and images of Songera painting, modern and historical, and evidence of historical consciousness in Song art writing. Examples of past, present, and futuredirectedness, primarily in Song court or dynastic painting, are followed by an account of issues of time, sequence, and experience implicated in poetrypainting conjunctions associated with Song scholarofficial or literati culture. Historiographic Imaginaries Max Loehr famously and aphoristically characterized Song painting in the following terms: “The Song painter, using his style as a tool, tackles the problem of how to depict mountains and water; the Yuan painter, using mountain and water as his media, tackles the problem of creating a style.”2 A few things must be noted, and probably questioned, about even so concise a formulation: the understanding of Song and Yuan (1279– 1368) as coherent, legible units, or objects of arthistorical analysis; the reduction of Song and Yuan painting at large to landscape painting; the interest in style and representation; and the problem/linkedsolution– centered The online version of this article includes digital features that enhance the print version. 62 ARS Orientalis 49 terminology that we might relate to theorists such as E.H. Gombrich and George Kubler in the period when Loehr was writing.3 In such ways we might historicize art history. We certainly could address the limitations of such formulations, whether by recognizing the continuities between Song and Yuan painting or by complicating the component elements of analysis, including not just landscape painting but also other modes and genres— BuddhistDaoist, courtlydynastic, scholarofficial— at the very least. We should also acknowledge, however, that some unitary conception of Song painting is not just a modern arthistorical or pedagogical construct. Such a conception appears in late imperial art discourses, as when Orthodoxschool painters and critics discuss the achievement of Great Synthesis (da cheng 大成) as some joining of conceptualized Song and Yuan qualities. To quote the version of this formulation by Wang Hui 王翬 (1632– 1717): “I must use the brush and ink of the Yuan to move the peaks and valleys of the Song, and infuse them with the qiyun breathresonance of the Tang [618– 907]. I shall then have a work of the Great Synthesis.”4 What Wang Hui meant by those dynastic/categorical terms was perhaps not so distant from Loehr’s understanding: some respective sense of Song representational primacy and Yuan formal/stylistic elements predominating (leaving the Tang aside in this context). As discussed in a recent study by Chenghua Wang, a related notion of the transition from Song to Yuan as a pivotal arthistorical point of division, with Song painting associated with a form of realism and Yuan painting with personal expression, also operated widely in the discourse of early twentiethcentury art and cultural politics.5 While the precise terms of period characterization might differ from era to era, the Song and postSong divide, to state it more broadly, does continue to operate in Chinesepainting studies at least on a macro level, with arthistorical art falling mostly on the postSong side of the divide. What is most commonly meant by postSong arthistorical painting is primarily rhetorical or dialectical uses of artistic identity or school formations outside the immediate environment of production, which can be combined, juxtaposed, or counterposed to form pictorial statements or positions that can be variously about art history itself, the formal elements of painting, or the values of interest groups or social classes. Even so broad a characterization risks downplaying significant strains of arthistorical painting in the Song. We can observe briefly, to reference several wellstudied cases, that some kinds of Song arthistorical art were conservative in the sense of reproductive (Huizong 宋徽宗, r. 1100– 1126, Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk; after Gu Hongzhong 顧閎中, 937– 975, Night Revels of Han Xizai), or were citational (Li Gonglin 李公麟, 1049– 1106, Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang), or at other times archaistic with rhetorical import (Qiao Zhongchang 喬仲常, active early 12th century, Illustration of Su Shi’s Latter ProsePoem on the Red Cliff; Li Gonglin, Mountain Dwelling), among other variants, the full range of which is obscured by the proportionally massive losses from the Song painting corpus. Indeed the very diversity of Song arthistorical painting, even in its fragmentary survivals, also may serve as a reminder that the analytical, rhetorical, or intellectual arthistorical painting of the Yuan and after was only one side of a broader and equally arthistorical painting that could range from continuations of inherited school practices to adept reproductions of old paintings, to the historical fabrications of the Suzhou pian 蘇州片 (Suzhou forgeries), which in their own way were allusive recombinations of old styles.6 We might think of these in vernacular terms as hard and soft versions of art historicism— relatively rigorous and deliberate on one side, relatively passively imitative on the other. Both the practice of arthistorical reference in painting and historical consciousness pervaded the Song in court and scholarofficial circles alike. Importantly, the Song was an era of
艺术史引文是涉及宋代(960–1279)绘画的时间取向的几个方面之一。现代和历史的史学表述不同地指出了宋代和后来绘画时代之间的分歧,对新事物的认识,以及走向发展终点的运动。宋代宫廷绘画可以参考现在和未来的就职典礼、预兆事件和王朝遗产。宋代社会舞台上的诗画往往传达着穿越时空的画面。宋的学者们直接参与了绘画诗意化的问题,在一种不确定的美学中产生了图像和文本、观看和阅读体验以及时间、记忆和历史的复杂混合序列。对宋代(960–1279)绘画艺术史引文的讨论,在史学话语和宋代绘画实践中,都开启了更广泛的时间取向问题,以及宋代艺术创作中的历史意识证据。过去、现在和未来的指向性的例子,主要是在宋代宫廷或王朝绘画中,然后是与宋代学术或文人文化相关的诗画结合所涉及的时间、顺序和经验问题。历史想象学家马克斯·勒尔(Max Loehr)对宋代绘画有着著名的格言式的描述:“宋代画家以其风格为工具,解决了如何描绘山水的问题;元代画家以山水为媒介,解决了创造风格的问题。”,关于一个如此简洁的表述:将宋元(1279-1368)理解为连贯、清晰的单元,或艺术史分析的对象;宋元绘画总体上还原为山水画;对风格和表现的兴趣;以及以问题/链接解决方案为中心本文的在线版本包括增强打印版本的数字功能。62 ARS Orientalis 49我们可能与勒尔写作时期的E.H.Gombrich和George Kubler等理论家有关的术语。3通过这种方式,我们可以将艺术史历史化。我们当然可以解决这种表述的局限性,无论是通过承认宋元绘画之间的连续性,还是通过使分析的组成元素复杂化,不仅包括山水画,还包括其他模式和流派——佛道、宫廷、学者——至少。然而,我们也应该承认,宋代绘画的某种统一概念不仅仅是一种现代艺术史或教育学的建构。这种观念出现在帝国后期的艺术话语中,比如正统派画家和评论家讨论《大合成》的成就(达成大成) 作为概念化宋元品质的某种结合。引用王辉的说法王翬 (1632–1717):“我必须用元的笔墨来移动宋的峰谷,并在其中注入唐的气韵。”。“4王回所说的王朝/范畴术语可能与勒尔的理解并不遥远:宋的代表性至上和元的形式/风格元素占主导地位(在这种情况下不考虑唐)。正如王最近的一项研究所讨论的那样,从宋到元的过渡是一个关键的艺术史划分点,宋画与现实主义形式联系在一起,元画与个人表达联系在一起,在20世纪初的艺术和文化政治话语中也有广泛的作用。5虽然时期表征的确切术语可能因时代而异,但宋和后宋的分歧,更广泛地说,至少在宏观层面上,确实在中国绘画研究中继续存在,艺术史艺术大多属于后宋一方。后宋艺术史绘画最常见的含义主要是在直接的生产环境之外对艺术身份或流派形式的修辞或辩证使用,这些艺术身份或学派形式可以组合、并置或对抗,形成关于艺术史本身、绘画的形式元素、,或者利益集团或社会阶层的价值观。即便如此宽泛的人物刻画也有可能淡化宋代重要的艺术史绘画风格。