{"title":"Editorial","authors":"G. Galster, C. Aiken","doi":"10.1080/10511482.2023.2216522","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Since its inception three decades ago, Housing Policy Debate has distinguished itself from other scholarly journals by publishing explicit debates on current topics related to housing, neighborhoods and community development. This month’s issue offers an exemplar of this forum format: “Beyond Opportunity Hoarding.” David Imbroscio engages deeply with one of the core conventional wisdoms of contemporary housing policy in both the U.S. and Western Europe: We can make substantial gains in socioeconomic opportunity by opening up affluent neighborhoods to less-advantaged households and achieving a stable “social mix.” He raises a host of important challenges that advocates for this position (me included) will ignore at their peril. Five members of our Editorial Board—Lisa Bates, Casey Dawkins, Ingrid Ellen, Andrew Greenlee, and Mike Lens—offer a tantalizing variety of responses. On behalf of Housing Policy Debate, I thank all the Forum authors for their thoughtful and thought-provoking comments. From an historical perspective, the arguments and counterarguments raised in this Forum resonate with those first advanced over a half-century ago. In the context of widespread urban civil unrest in the mid-1960s triggered by longstanding race/class injustices, housing and community development scholars, policymakers, and advocates squared off along comparable lines to those drawn here (cf. Downs, 1968). On one side were those who argued for desegregation; this view was sometimes labelled “dispersing the ghetto” or “opening up the suburbs” (Downs, 1973; Grier & Grier, 1966; Kain & Persky, 1969; National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968). On the other side were those who advocated economic development of disadvantaged, disproportionately minority-occupied urban neighborhoods (Edel, 1972; Harrison, 1974; Vietorisz & Harrison, 1970), often called by opponents “gilding the ghetto.” Some explicitly framed their community development proposals within a broader, structural critique of capitalism (Harvey, 1973; Tabb, 1970), as Imbroscio does here. This Forum makes clear that this longstanding debate is far from over, and in doing so offers fresh, fascinating perspectives. Alongside the Forum, this issue gathers together nine articles that deal with themes of racial and spatial integration. Salim Furth and MaryJo Webster’s “Single-Family Zoning and Race: Evidence from the Twin Cities” presents evidence that rezoning single-family neighborhoods to allow for denser housing can promote racial integration. Denser, and especially affordable multifamily, housing faces staunch opposition in many places, however, and a common refrain is that it will depress the values of existing single-family homes. Even those identifying as political liberals feel conflicted about new housing development, finds Michael Manville in “Liberals and Housing: A Study in Ambivalence.” In “Yes or Not in My Backyard (YIMBY vs. NIMBY)?,” Jean Dub e, François des Rosiers, and Nicolas Devaux use subsidized affordable housing project and home sales data from Quebec City, Canada, to investigate the basis for these fears. They find a complex relationship whereby proximity to new social housing is generally positive, but depends on the size of the project and proximity to the city center. Asking a similar question in a very different location, Michael Craw (“Effects of Promixity to Multifamily Housing on Property Values in Little Rock, Arkanasas, 2000–2016”) finds that most forms of multifamily housing have no effect on, or positively affect, the sales prices of single-family homes in the vicinity.","PeriodicalId":47744,"journal":{"name":"Housing Policy Debate","volume":"33 1","pages":"767 - 769"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Housing Policy Debate","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2023.2216522","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Since its inception three decades ago, Housing Policy Debate has distinguished itself from other scholarly journals by publishing explicit debates on current topics related to housing, neighborhoods and community development. This month’s issue offers an exemplar of this forum format: “Beyond Opportunity Hoarding.” David Imbroscio engages deeply with one of the core conventional wisdoms of contemporary housing policy in both the U.S. and Western Europe: We can make substantial gains in socioeconomic opportunity by opening up affluent neighborhoods to less-advantaged households and achieving a stable “social mix.” He raises a host of important challenges that advocates for this position (me included) will ignore at their peril. Five members of our Editorial Board—Lisa Bates, Casey Dawkins, Ingrid Ellen, Andrew Greenlee, and Mike Lens—offer a tantalizing variety of responses. On behalf of Housing Policy Debate, I thank all the Forum authors for their thoughtful and thought-provoking comments. From an historical perspective, the arguments and counterarguments raised in this Forum resonate with those first advanced over a half-century ago. In the context of widespread urban civil unrest in the mid-1960s triggered by longstanding race/class injustices, housing and community development scholars, policymakers, and advocates squared off along comparable lines to those drawn here (cf. Downs, 1968). On one side were those who argued for desegregation; this view was sometimes labelled “dispersing the ghetto” or “opening up the suburbs” (Downs, 1973; Grier & Grier, 1966; Kain & Persky, 1969; National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968). On the other side were those who advocated economic development of disadvantaged, disproportionately minority-occupied urban neighborhoods (Edel, 1972; Harrison, 1974; Vietorisz & Harrison, 1970), often called by opponents “gilding the ghetto.” Some explicitly framed their community development proposals within a broader, structural critique of capitalism (Harvey, 1973; Tabb, 1970), as Imbroscio does here. This Forum makes clear that this longstanding debate is far from over, and in doing so offers fresh, fascinating perspectives. Alongside the Forum, this issue gathers together nine articles that deal with themes of racial and spatial integration. Salim Furth and MaryJo Webster’s “Single-Family Zoning and Race: Evidence from the Twin Cities” presents evidence that rezoning single-family neighborhoods to allow for denser housing can promote racial integration. Denser, and especially affordable multifamily, housing faces staunch opposition in many places, however, and a common refrain is that it will depress the values of existing single-family homes. Even those identifying as political liberals feel conflicted about new housing development, finds Michael Manville in “Liberals and Housing: A Study in Ambivalence.” In “Yes or Not in My Backyard (YIMBY vs. NIMBY)?,” Jean Dub e, François des Rosiers, and Nicolas Devaux use subsidized affordable housing project and home sales data from Quebec City, Canada, to investigate the basis for these fears. They find a complex relationship whereby proximity to new social housing is generally positive, but depends on the size of the project and proximity to the city center. Asking a similar question in a very different location, Michael Craw (“Effects of Promixity to Multifamily Housing on Property Values in Little Rock, Arkanasas, 2000–2016”) finds that most forms of multifamily housing have no effect on, or positively affect, the sales prices of single-family homes in the vicinity.
自三十年前创办以来,《住房政策辩论》与其他学术期刊的区别在于,它就当前与住房、社区和社区发展相关的主题发表了明确的辩论。本月的一期提供了这种论坛形式的一个例子:“超越机会囤积。“David Imbroscio深入研究了美国和西欧当代住房政策的核心传统智慧之一:我们可以通过向弱势家庭开放富裕社区,并实现稳定的“社会混合”,在社会经济机会方面取得实质性进展。“他提出了一系列重要挑战,而这一职位的倡导者(包括我在内)将忽视这些挑战,这将给他们带来危险。我们编辑委员会的五名成员——丽莎·贝茨、凯西·道金斯、英格丽德·艾伦、安德鲁·格林利和迈克·朗斯——提供了各种各样的诱人回应。我谨代表住房政策辩论会感谢论坛所有作者的深思熟虑和发人深省的评论。从历史的角度来看,本次论坛提出的论点和反驳与半个多世纪前首次提出的论点产生了共鸣。在20世纪60年代中期由长期的种族/阶级不公正引发的广泛城市内乱的背景下,住房和社区发展学者、政策制定者和倡导者按照与这里所画的类似的路线展开了斗争(参见Downs,1968)。一方是主张废除种族隔离的人;这种观点有时被称为“分散贫民区”或“开放郊区”(Downs,1973年;Grier&Grier,1966年;Kain&Persky,1969年;国家内乱咨询委员会,1968年)。另一方面是那些主张弱势、少数族裔占多数的城市社区的经济发展的人(Edel,1972;Harrison,1974;Vietorisz和Harrison,1970),他们经常被反对者称为“为贫民区镀金”。一些人明确地将他们的社区发展建议纳入对资本主义的更广泛的结构性批判中(Harvey,1973;Tabb,1970),就像Imbroscio在这里所做的那样。本论坛清楚地表明,这场旷日持久的辩论远未结束,并在这样做的过程中提供了新的、引人入胜的视角。除了论坛之外,本期还汇集了九篇关于种族和空间一体化主题的文章。Salim Furth和MaryJo Webster的《单户分区和种族:双城的证据》证明,重新分区单户社区以允许更密集的住房可以促进种族融合。然而,密度更大,尤其是负担得起的多户住宅在许多地方都面临着坚决的反对,人们普遍认为这会压低现有独栋住宅的价值。迈克尔·曼维尔(Michael Manville)在《自由主义者与住房:歧义研究》(liberals and housing:A Study in Ambivalence)一书中发现,即使是那些认同政治自由主义者的人,也对新的住房开发感到矛盾,调查这些担忧的依据。他们发现了一种复杂的关系,即与新的社会住房的接近程度通常是积极的,但取决于项目的规模和与市中心的接近程度。Michael Craw在一个非常不同的地方提出了类似的问题(“2000年至2016年,阿肯色州小石城多户住宅对房地产价值的影响”),他发现大多数形式的多户住宅都不会对附近独栋住宅的销售价格产生影响或积极影响。
期刊介绍:
Housing Policy Debate provides a venue for original research on U.S. housing policy. Subjects include affordable housing policy, fair housing policy, land use regulations influencing housing affordability, metropolitan development trends, and linkages among housing policy and energy, environmental, and transportation policy. Housing Policy Debate is published quarterly. Most issues feature a Forum section and an Articles section. The Forum, which highlights a current debate, features a central article and responding comments that represent a range of perspectives. All articles in the Forum and Articles sections undergo a double-blind peer review process.