{"title":"Can the Appellate Body Be Saved?","authors":"W. Maruyama","doi":"10.54648/trad2021008","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The ‘Walker Paper’ represents a commendable effort to find middle-ground on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body, but does not address the US concerns about the Appellate Body’s overreaching in antidumping, countervailing duty, and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Article XIX ‘escape clause’ disputes, and instead seizes on a series of half-hearted fixes to the long list of concerns in US Trade Representative’s (USTR’s) ‘Report on the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization’. US concerns about overreaching date back to the Bush 43 and Obama Administrations and are rooted in the Appellate Body’s ‘zeroing’ line of cases. The concerns rest on the conviction of US trade officials who participated in the Uruguay Round negotiations and later served in the Bush 43, Obama, and Trump Administrations, that there was never a WTO agreement to abolish ‘zeroing’. This view was shared by the WTO Secretariat and WTO Panels and underpinned the contentious, decade-long impasse between USTR, the WTO Secretariat, and WTO Panels on the one hand, and the Appellate Body and Appellate Body Secretariat on the other. While the Appellate Body’s overreaching has multiple sources, one is its dismissive approach to negotiating history under Article 32 of the Vienna Convention, and obsessive reliance on the Oxford English Dictionary as a main source of meaning in interpreting the WTO Agreements. Had the Appellate Body taken a more respectful look at the Uruguay Round negotiating history, it would have found no support for efforts to read a broad prohibition on zeroing into terms that dated back to the Kennedy Round Antidumping Agreement, Tokyo Round Antidumping Code, and GATT 1947. The Appellate Body’s overreaching also appears to stem from hubris, as some Appellate Body Members have sought to make their mark on international jurisprudence or serve as saviours of the WTO system. While some in Geneva are clearly hoping the US concerns will disappear once the Biden Administration takes office, these concerns predated Ambassador Lighthizer by over a decade and are shared by both Republicans and Democratic Members of Congress. Accordingly, even if the new Administration were to seize on some variant of the Walker paper as an excuse to placate US allies and trading partners, it’s unlikely to offer a lasting solution, since the same problems will likely recur without serious systemic and structural reforms.\nWorld Trade Organization, WTO, Appellate Body, Dispute Settlement Understanding, Dispute Settlement, Antidumping Agreement, Zeroing","PeriodicalId":46019,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World Trade","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1000,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of World Trade","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2021008","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The ‘Walker Paper’ represents a commendable effort to find middle-ground on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body, but does not address the US concerns about the Appellate Body’s overreaching in antidumping, countervailing duty, and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Article XIX ‘escape clause’ disputes, and instead seizes on a series of half-hearted fixes to the long list of concerns in US Trade Representative’s (USTR’s) ‘Report on the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization’. US concerns about overreaching date back to the Bush 43 and Obama Administrations and are rooted in the Appellate Body’s ‘zeroing’ line of cases. The concerns rest on the conviction of US trade officials who participated in the Uruguay Round negotiations and later served in the Bush 43, Obama, and Trump Administrations, that there was never a WTO agreement to abolish ‘zeroing’. This view was shared by the WTO Secretariat and WTO Panels and underpinned the contentious, decade-long impasse between USTR, the WTO Secretariat, and WTO Panels on the one hand, and the Appellate Body and Appellate Body Secretariat on the other. While the Appellate Body’s overreaching has multiple sources, one is its dismissive approach to negotiating history under Article 32 of the Vienna Convention, and obsessive reliance on the Oxford English Dictionary as a main source of meaning in interpreting the WTO Agreements. Had the Appellate Body taken a more respectful look at the Uruguay Round negotiating history, it would have found no support for efforts to read a broad prohibition on zeroing into terms that dated back to the Kennedy Round Antidumping Agreement, Tokyo Round Antidumping Code, and GATT 1947. The Appellate Body’s overreaching also appears to stem from hubris, as some Appellate Body Members have sought to make their mark on international jurisprudence or serve as saviours of the WTO system. While some in Geneva are clearly hoping the US concerns will disappear once the Biden Administration takes office, these concerns predated Ambassador Lighthizer by over a decade and are shared by both Republicans and Democratic Members of Congress. Accordingly, even if the new Administration were to seize on some variant of the Walker paper as an excuse to placate US allies and trading partners, it’s unlikely to offer a lasting solution, since the same problems will likely recur without serious systemic and structural reforms.
World Trade Organization, WTO, Appellate Body, Dispute Settlement Understanding, Dispute Settlement, Antidumping Agreement, Zeroing
“沃克文件”代表了在世界贸易组织(WTO)上诉机构中寻找中间立场的值得赞扬的努力,但没有解决美国对上诉机构在反倾销、反补贴税和关税与贸易总协定(GATT)第19条“逃避条款”争端中越权的担忧。而是针对美国贸易代表办公室(USTR)的《世界贸易组织上诉机构报告》(Report on Appellate of the World Trade Organization)中的一长串关切问题,采取了一系列半心半意的补救措施。美国对越权的担忧可以追溯到布什政府和奥巴马政府,其根源在于上诉机构对案件的“归零”路线。这些担忧源于参与乌拉圭回合谈判并后来在布什、奥巴马和特朗普政府任职的美国贸易官员的信念,即WTO从未达成过废除“归零”的协议。这一观点得到了世贸组织秘书处和专家组的认同,并成为美国贸易代表办公室、世贸组织秘书处和专家组与上诉机构和上诉机构秘书处之间长达十年的争议僵局的基础。上诉机构的越权行为有多个原因,其中一个原因是它对根据《维也纳公约》第32条谈判历史的不屑一顾,以及在解释《WTO协定》时过分依赖《牛津英语词典》作为主要的含义来源。如果上诉机构对乌拉圭回合谈判的历史持更尊重的态度,它就会发现,没有人支持将肯尼迪回合反倾销协定、东京回合反倾销法典和关贸总协定1947年的条款广泛禁止归零。上诉机构的越权似乎也源于傲慢,因为一些上诉机构成员试图在国际法理学上留下自己的印记,或成为世贸组织体系的救世主。虽然日内瓦的一些人显然希望,一旦拜登政府上任,美国的担忧就会消失,但这些担忧早在莱特希泽大使上任十多年前就存在了,国会的共和党和民主党议员也有同样的担忧。因此,即使新政府抓住沃克文件的某些变体作为安抚美国盟友和贸易伙伴的借口,也不太可能提供持久的解决方案,因为如果没有认真的系统和结构改革,同样的问题很可能会再次出现。世界贸易组织,WTO,上诉机构,争端解决谅解,争端解决,反倾销协定,归零
期刊介绍:
Far and away the most thought-provoking and informative journal in its field, the Journal of World Trade sets the agenda for both scholarship and policy initiatives in this most critical area of international relations. It is the only journal which deals authoritatively with the most crucial issues affecting world trade today.